In the next three years, most provinces will remain in the hands of governors who come from political dynasties. By the count of the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), 71 out of 82 winning governors in the May 12 midterm elections are members of political families.
It’s the same number as before the May 12 elections, based on PCIJ’s map, but the names are not always the same.
About 58 ruling clans retained control of provincial leadership, while eight defeated members of rival political clans. Four other governors-elect will replace sitting dynastic governors who either allied with them or did not field a family member to keep their post.
There is one instance where a dynastic governor will replace a non-dynastic one. This is the case in Batangas where Vilma Santos-Recto will assume the post, to be vacated by Hermilindo Mandanas who is sliding down as vice governor.
Despite the outcomes, the clans did not always win gubernatorial races with ease. A deeper study of the electoral contests revealed continuing resistance to dynastic rule, with some successes even if few.
Batanes, Nueva Vizcaya, Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Bulacan and Agusan del Sur remained the rare oases where dynasties do not rule the Capitol, even if clans prevail in the cities and the towns.
But four provinces shone in this year’s elections — Cebu, Catanduanes, Laguna, and Marinduque — where voters rejected the gubernatorial bid of ruling clans and chose candidates not known to be from dynasties.
Four provinces in the spotlight
Among non-dynast victors is political newcomer Pamela Baricuatro who pulled off an upset against incumbent Gov. Gwen Garcia.
She believed her win was a sign that Cebuanos “have had enough” and “want change,” she said in an interview. Baricuatro vowed to prioritize healthcare programs and do away with costly tourism programs started by Garcia.
The Garcias first captured Cebu’s provincial Capitol in 1995 through Pablo Garcia. In 2004, Gwen succeeded his term-limited father and held the post until 2013. Before sitting again as governor in 2019, Gwen served two terms as Cebu 3rd District representative.
A similar case transpired in Catanduanes where educator and independent candidate Patrick Azanza bested incumbent Vice Gov. Peter Cua, the brother of current Gov. Joseph Cua. In his campaign, Azanza pushed for better disaster preparedness and anti-corruption policies. He was also critical of the Cuas’ governance.
“We’re very happy na malaya na ang Catanduanes. Malaya na sa monopolyo, sa dinastiya, malaya na sa mga tios na pigkakaharap (We’re very happy that Catanduanes is finally free. Free from monopoly, from dynasties, free from suffering),” he said in an interview after his proclamation.
The win of former journalist and Sol Aragones as Laguna governor also held off an extension of the Hernandezes’ hold in the Capitol. She beat Rep. Ruth Hernandez, the wife of term-limited Gov. Ramil Hernandez.
In Marinduque, long-time politician Mel Go defeated Rep. Lord Allan Jay Velasco, the son of incumbent Gov. Presbitero Velasco.
Both Go and Baricuatro ran under former President Rodrigo Duterte’s party Partido Demokratiko Pilipino Laban.
Former elections commissioner Luie Tito Guia and political science professor Julio Teehankee told PCIJ that some dynasties’ fall from power in this year’s elections could have been caused by a growing anti-dynasty sentiment among voters.
Returning, emerging dynasties
Rival dynasties took down ruling clans in at least eight provinces.
In Abra in northern Luzon, the Bersamin political clan returns to power.
The brother of Executive Secretary Lucas Bersamin was elected Abra governor in a landslide victory that marked the clan’s political comeback after a nine-year absence.
Former governor Eustaquio “Takit” Bersamin defeated Bangued Vice Mayor Kiko Bernos in the gubernatorial race. Anne Bersamin, niece of Eustaquio, won as vice governor over Vice Gov. Joy Bernos. Anne is the daughter of Rep. Luis Bersamin who was slain in 2006.
The Bersamin dynasty had been dormant since 2016 when it last held power.
In Palawan, the Alvarezes are coming back to the provincial Capitol after Amy Alvarez, the daughter of Rep. Jose Alvarez, won as governor. She got more votes than incumbent Gov. Dennis Socrates.
In Maguindanao, there will be no Mangudadatu governor for the first time in 15 years.
In the first elections since the province was split in September 2022, a Mangudadatu husband-and-wife attempted—but failed—to win control of both Maguindanao del Norte and Maguindanao del Sur.
In Maguindanao del Norte, Suharto “Teng” Mangudadatu was defeated by Tucao Mastura. Mastura belongs to another powerful political clan in the province.
In Maguindanao del Sur, Ali Midtimbang also defeated Mariam Mangudadatu, who was appointed governor of Maguindanao del Sur after the split. The Midtimbangs are a known political family from Datu Anggal Midtimbang town.
The two new governors are allies of the former rebel group Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and were backed by President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.
Sure wins, double posts
For other dynasties, electoral success was easier. A total of six winning governors-elect ran unopposed. They only needed at least one vote to secure their seats.
Infighting between two factions of the same political clan also resulted in bitter campaigns but certain wins for the clans.
This happened in La Union where Mario Eduardo Ortega beat his grandniece incumbent Gov. Raphaelle Ortega-David.
In Basilan, Rep. Mujiv Hataman edged out his nephew Board Member Jay Hataman Salliman by more than 3,000 votes. Hataman will serve his term with his brother and political rival, Gov. Jim Hataman Salliman, as vice governor. Salliman is Jay’s father.
The Hatamans’ case, however, is not unique to Basilan. About one in five governors-elect will have a relative join them in the Capitol as vice governor.
Electoral reform advocates have opposed political dynasties, arguing that when top local executive positions are captured, checks and balances are at risk of being eroded.
In the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, reform advocates see opportunities for change as two regional anti-dynasty laws are set to take effect—one later this year and another in 2028.
At the national level, at least two petitions have been filed with the Supreme Court to compel Congress to enact the political dynasty ban.
A number of lawmakers also vowed to finally pass an anti-dynasty law, following strong advocacy during the campaign. — PCIJ.org
Why election reform advocates are fighting dynasties
Excerpts from the first article in PCIJ’s political dynasty series
Long-term studies have shown links between political dynasties and poverty.
“There is a correlation between the high concentration of political families or dynasties and the high percentage of underdevelopment or the low levels of development. These are empirically proven,” said Teehankee.
Legal Network for Truthful Elections (LENTE) Executive Director Rona Ann Caritos said areas controlled by political dynasties also have higher risks of corruption and this is “why people don’t get the service and programs they really deserve.”
“Checks and balances are integral to our government, which is why the legislative, executive, and judiciary branches are separate. If families control both the executive and legislative branches, there’s no check and balance anymore. That’s why corruption happens; that’s why bad governance happens,” Caritos said.
Guia said there has to be a pushback and there are important questions voters should be asking.
“Let us ask as citizens why a family would desire stronger political power,” said Guia. “Bakit sila nandyan? Bakit sila lang? Wala na bang iba? At ano ba ‘yung makukuha nila dyan? (Why are they there? Why only them? Is there no one else? And what do they stand to gain from it?)”
The answers will shed light on the motivations behind dynasties in the country, he said.
“If you look at it, why are they spending such a huge amount [during campaigns], and sometimes you can’t even figure out where the funds are coming from? What is really at stake there?”
Teehankee said there is also evidence of political dynasties using their political power to serve their business interests. “Because when the lines between private and public interest are blurred, whose interest will prevail? Usually, it’s the self-interest of the dynasties,” he said.
These are the deeper questions that need to be answered, said Guia. “What are the thriving businesses in this area? Is there mining? Is there oil? Especially if the issue is about controlling natural resources.”
This is when “predatory politics” happens, said Teehankee. “Have you not noticed that in areas with many dynasties in our country, they are the ones who own gas stations, fast food chains, and various other businesses?”
A substantial portion of government funds is allocated for these regular procurement items because they are essential for delivering basic government services and programs.
Yet many voters feel they are indebted to political families when they avail of these programs and services, said Caritos. It is this Filipino virtue of “utang na loob (debt of gratitude)” that has always worked to the advantage of political dynasties, who attach their names to government services.
Lente regularly monitors the abuse of state resources by government officials during election campaigns. These commonly take the forms of social welfare programs and the use of government transportation, said Caritos.
Even government employees, who should not engage in partisan political activities, are sometimes mobilized to campaign for incumbent officials, she said.
“Abuse of state resources plays a big role. It really entrenches these political families deeper in power. Because they are in power, the government resources and government personnel are at their disposal. If they use it for good — kahit use pa lang — advantage na nila. How much more kapag abuse?”
PCIJ’s series on political dynasties is led by PCIJ Executive Director Carmela Fonbuena. Resident Editor TJ Burgonio is co-editor.
The 2025 reportorial and research team includes Guinevere Latoza, Rizza Camingawan, Rosmae Ysabel Armeña, Erica Nicole Española, Hazelyn Silverio, Sean Angelo Guevarra, Liam Reece Basigsig and Michael John Lester Ruiz.
PCIJ Resident artist Joseph Luigi Almuena produced the illustrations.