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Here are our top investigative and data reports, series, and microsites of the year.
These reports and microsites caught the attention of readers and social media users. They were republished by partner newsrooms and cited in congressional hearings.
They inspired columns, talk shows, and follow-up reports. The media watchdog Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility also “cheered” these reports.
1. Spotlight on Grab’s Surge Fees
This PCIJ report, published in July, was produced in partnership with the Pulitzer Center’s AI Accountability Network. It’s an important investigation into the algorithm of Grab, the popular transportation app that many Filipinos have a love-hate relationship with. We love the convenience, but not the steep prices that come with it.
How does Grab compute the cost of our trips? PCIJ editor-at-large Karol Ilagan found in her investigation that (1) rides always include surge fees and (2) Grab customers still endured lengthy wait times despite these surge fees.
The findings are based on unassailable data collected by Karol and a team of researchers. You can read about the methodology here.
Months later, in December, Sen. Raffy Tulfo would lead a Senate probe on surge fees imposed by the Transportation Network Vehicle Services in the country, including Grab Philippines.
A follow-up report under the AI Accountability Network was also published in December. Karol spoke with dozens of workers employed by transport network companies Grab, Angkas, MoveIt, and Joyride, as well as delivery platforms FoodPanda and Lalamove, to learn what it’s like to have an app as their boss.
Her investigation revealed that food-delivery and ride-hailing workers in the Philippines, whose daily routines are dictated by algorithms, struggle with uncertain pay, indebtedness, and the physical toll of chasing incentives. Often, these gig workers must work full-time—without benefits—to earn a sufficient income.
2. ‘Obese’ political dynasties rule the Philippines
2024 marked the year before another election in the Philippines. From October 1-8, social media feeds were flooded with videos of candidates filing their certificates of candidacy. It was a fiesta-like atmosphere, with colorful tarpaulins and, in some provinces, even marching bands.
The spectacle was unsettling for electoral reform advocates because of how political dynasties displayed their dominance. Fathers, mothers, siblings, and children trooped to Commission on Elections offices nationwide.
We decided it’s time for PCIJ to again put a spotlight on the country’s political dynasties.
Political dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 Constitution, but Congress has yet to pass a law to enforce this ban.
Our series revealed how, instead of distributing wealth and political power, lawmakers consolidated their power through dynasties. Instead of growing political parties, they expanded their familial influence.
Our lists, maps, and charts were based on a review of candidates who filed their certificates of candidacy (COCs) in early October, using information from news reports and social media posts.
We worked with a highly enthusiastic group of interns who helped us track the links of aspirants in the May 2025 national and local elections.
The reportorial and research team included Guinevere Latoza, Aaron John Baluis, Angela Ballerda, Maujeri Ann Miranda, Leanne Louise Isip, Jaime Alfonso Cabanilla, Nyah Genelle De Leon, Luis Lagman, Jorene Luouise Tubesa, Joss Gabriel Oliveros, and John Gabriel Yanzon. TJ Burgonio was my co-editor, while PCIJ Resident Artist Joseph Luigi Almuena produced the illustrations.
3. High cost of elections in the Philippines
PCIJ believes that campaign finance is the most important aspect of any electoral exercise.
Over the years, we have observed a correlation between spending and winning. What concerns us and our partner electoral reform advocates are the implications beyond election day. Campaign finance can shape governance and policy decisions, especially if winning candidates allow their donors to influence their positions on key issues.
In May 2024, exactly a year before the 2025 midterm elections, we began our first story on the social media spending of potential candidates.
These stories had an impact. Candidates reduced their spending on social media following our reports and faced questions about their expenditures when filing their candidacies in October.
Our series also got the attention of the CMFR, particularly these reports:
Las Piñas Rep. Camille Villar, among the early spenders for the May 2025 elections, is the fourth Villar running for the Senate.
“The article raised important questions about the implications of the high cost of elections for candidates, including the issue of fairness and even the overall integrity of the political system,” CMFR said.
“Reviewing spending patterns through time, Fonbuena provides data-driven analysis to paint a vivid picture of the current electoral landscape. The report calls attention to the broad challenge confronting Philippine democracy as campaign spending has made the elections themselves less and less democratic,” CMFR said.
The candidates or their supporters are under no obligation to report these expenditures as of yet. Laws on campaign spending apply to “candidates.” In Peñera vs Comelec (Commission on Elections), the Supreme Court ruled that aspirants only become candidates once the official campaign period begins.
PCIJ’s most read reports
How many clicks should a report get to be considered viral? I’m not sure, but our report that listed the senators who voted to oust former Senate President Juan Miguel Zubiri got the most attention on social media.
It surprised readers that Sen. Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa, who was sobbing at the plenary when Zubiri was announcing his resignation, was actually among those who voted to remove him.
The list would not be found in Senate records because the ouster did not happen on the Senate floor. Zubiri resigned after he was shown a draft resolution showing that a majority of senators had signed to remove him.
4. Sen. Bato Dela Rosa’s tears
5. Garbage problem in the Philippines
6. Third SONA
7. Will Congress postpone the BARMM polls?
8. Agrarian reform in the Philippines
3. JAC and IJcon microsites
PCIJ not only produces investigative journalism; we also train investigative journalists. Our goal is to cultivate and empower networks of investigative journalists by providing training, support, and resources to strengthen their commitment to watchdog journalism.
This year, PCIJ held two major events, both of which have dedicated microsites that PCIJ fellows and trainees use as resource materials.
pcij.org/JAC
In March, 35 journalists from seven Southeast Asian countries gathered in Manila to form a new anti-corruption network, Journalists Against Corruption (JAC). PCIJ spearheaded the formation of this network with support from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.
JAC now comprises over 40 journalists from nine countries: the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Timor-Leste, Vietnam, and Myanmar.
From April 30 to May 1, PCIJ held the Third Investigative Journalism Conference (IJcon), attended by a total of 188 participants, including journalists, civil society representatives, and members of the academe.
pcij.org/IJPH2024
The microsite features tips from the conference speakers and videos of the sessions, which participants have used as references for the stories they are working on.
