As of press time, the Office of the Secretary General at the House had yet to approve PCIJ’s long-standing requests for a copy of the SALNs of members of the 15^th Congress. The requests, which were filed in 2011 and then early this year, are now being subjected to procedures that the Office is still revising. The House has failed to issue an official response to the latest request within the period stipulated by the law.

PCIJ was also not very successful in its separate SALN requests to four members of the prosecution panel: Iloilo Rep. Niel C. Tupas Jr., Quezon Rep. Lorenzo R. Tañada III, Marikina Rep. Romero Frederico S. Quimbo, and Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo M. Angara. As of this writing, only Rep. Tañada has provided a copy of his CV and SALNs to PCIJ. In his reply, the Deputy Speaker said as well that he had given a “blanket authority for the Secretary General to release my SALN to whoever asks for it.”

In stark contrast to the House, the Senate has consistently granted PCIJ’s requests. These include PCIJ’s most recent request for the SALNs of certain senators from 1998 to 2010, which was approved and processed by the Senate Secretary within 11 working days.

PCIJ’s Jan. 20, 2012 request for a copy of the SALNs of certain senior officials including the heads of all the constitutional commissions from 1998 to 2010 was also granted by the Office of the Ombudsman. A total of 106 SALNs were released by the Office within 10 working days.

Last January, PCIJ published a story about its often frustrating experiences in accessing SALNs from various state agencies. But it entertained some hope that recalcitrant government offices would eventually release the documents — and soon. That included the House of Representatives, where the SALN custodian, according to law, is the secretary general’s office. After all, various media reports had quoted House Secretary General Marilyn B. Yap, in response to PCIJ’s story, as saying that House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr. had issued an order to keep records open, especially to the media. 

Ricardo Bering, director of the Records Management Service, had also said that people could do research at the House of Representatives and copy documents during regular working hours.

And then there were some House members who took the initiative to voluntarily disclose their SALNs after the story was released, among them Akbayan Party-List Representatives Kaka Bag-ao and Walden Bello, who posted copies of their SALNs online. 

Bello gave the Office of the Secretary General the authority to release his SALN to requesting parties as well. In addition, Bello said he would “engage” officials of the House of Representatives to ease restrictions in the release of the complete SALNs of Congress members.

But when PCIJ made follow-up calls to the Office of the Secretary General, the Office disregarded its previous requests and asked PCIJ to file new ones. So, on Feb. 16, 2012, PCIJ sent three letters to Secretary General Yap following Director Roberto P. Maling’s instructions: one, a request for the SALNs and personal data sheet or curriculum vitae (PDS/CV) of the members of the prosecution panel; two, a request for the SALNs and PDS/CV vitae of the rest of the members of the House; and, three, a query on how the Office of the Secretary General processes SALN requests and a request for a copy of the memorandum that supposedly provides for the procedures for SALN release.

Copies of these letters were also sent to House Speaker Belmonte, Deputy Speaker Tañada, House Committee on Public Information Chairperson Rep. Ben P. Evardone, and Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales.

More than 15 working days have passed since these new (yet old) requests were submitted, but no approval or at least an official response has been issued by the Office. Under the law, public officials and employees are required to respond to letters, telegrams, or other means of communications sent by the public within 15 working days. The reply must contain the action taken on the request.

According to staff employees of the Office of the Secretary General and the Legal Affairs Department, the requests are still pending because procedures for SALN release are still being revised. The Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is supposedly being drafted at the Planning and Management Information Service, which would then be referred to the Legal Affairs Department.

PCIJ tried to seek clarifications on the supposed revised guidelines but Director Maling, the person in charge, has been unavailable since last week. In particular, the PCIJ wanted to find out the reasons that triggered the revision, the timetable or when the procedure will likely be finalized, and why actions have not been taken regarding PCIJ’s SALN requests, considering that these were filed prior to the issuance of the revised procedures. 

In PCIJ’s prior experience, the procedures followed at the House of Representatives for SALN requests were: requestors submit a letter and an accomplished request form to the Office of the Secretary General; the Office of the Secretary General then sends the request to the Legal Affairs Department for recommendation; the Legal Affairs Department informs and gets the approval of the House members concerned; the Legal Affairs Department then sends its recommendation to Office of the Secretary General, which forwards it to the Records Management Service; and, the Records Management Service releases the documents for photocopying.

One of the staff employees at the secretary general’s office said that the Office may adopt the Civil Service Commission’s guidelines for the release of SALN. Should this happen, the Office of the Secretary General may require requesting parties to submit IDs and endorsement from his or her employer or school dean or secretary (for students), among other things.  If the request is approved, there would be a fee of P200 per SALN. 

Meanwhile, Akbayan Rep. Bello’s office says it is still following up with the Office of the Secretary General matters pertaining to its previous discussions regarding PCIJ’s SALN request. According to Bello’s Senior Legislative and Media Officer Sabrina Gacad, the secretary general has not responded to Bello’s Jan. 24, 2012 letter that in part asked why the 2010 SALNs of the House members were not released. – PCIJ, March 2012

These entries were culled from PCIJ’s request log, a record of official requests made by PCIJ to government agencies. This log, which is regularly filled out by PCIJ’s researchers-writers, include, among others: nature of the request, the office concerned, the person/s-in-charge, number of calls made, number of letters sent, numbers of persons referred to, remarks or responses made by persons-in-charge of the request, and length of correspondence.

Jan. 12, 2012

PCIJ Research Director Karol Ilagan called the Legal Affairs Department to follow up on its pending letter-requests dated Sept. 6, 2010, Feb. 17, 2011, and Feb. 24, 2011 addressed to Secretary General Marilyn B. Yap. Ilagan also called regarding PCIJ’s letter dated Dec. 19, 2011 to Rep. Tupas, a copy of which had also been sent to the secretary general, and another letter dated Dec. 20, 2011 in response to Director Roberto P. Maling’s advice that PCIJ should send new request forms. (On Jan. 3, 2012, Ilagan had been told by Emily of the secretary general’s office that its letters had already been forwarded to Legal.) 

Bles of the Legal Affairs Department told Ilagan to call again because the person concerned (Deputy Secretary) had stepped out.

Jan. 16, 2012

Ilagan made a follow-up call to Bles of Legal. Bles informed her that Legal need not make a recommendation because the Dec. 19, 2011 letter was addressed to Rep. Tupas. As for the previous request, Bles reiterated that Legal had already recommended the approval of PCIJ’s Feb. 24, 2011 letter. This, she said, was sent to the Records Management Service on March 15, 2011. (See story titled “A long, sad search for SALNs”)

On the same day, Ilagan called Emily of the Office of the Secretary General to relay what Bles of Legal had said. Emily told Ilagan to try and call the Records Management Service, and update her, too.

Ilagan then called Atty. Ricardo Bering, director of the Records Management Service and relayed the information provided by Legal. Bering said he cannot recall any approval issued to PCIJ’s requests. Ilagan then asked about the pronouncements made by Secretary General Marilyn B. Yap and Bering in news reports that the SALNs are open to public for inspection.

Bering said that the PCIJ could come to the office and look at and photocopy the SALNs of only five to 10 House members per day. But he said that the SALNs couldn’t be released all at once. Releasing the SALNs in bulk, according to Bering, would defeat the purpose of Office of the Secretary General as the official repository. He described the scenario similar to a requestor requesting copies of all the birth certificates filed with the National Statistics Office.

Ilagan tried to reason with Bering saying that birth certificates are not the same as the SALNs. Bering then said that he would talk to Yap and call Ilagan back.

Jan. 18, 2012

Ilagan called Bering twice but he was unavailable on both occasions.

Feb. 13, 2012

Failing to hear from Bering since Jan. 16, 2012, Ilagan called him on his mobile and asked if she could come to his office on the next day to get copies of the SALNs of the prosecution panel. Ilagan was referring to Bering’s initial notice that photocopying the SALNs of five to 10 House members per day may be allowed. Bering told Ilagan to go to the office at 9 am on Feb. 14. But he noted that his office had yet to receive an approval of PCIJ’s requests.

Feb. 14, 2012

Ilagan and PCIJ junior researcher-writer Rowena F. Caronan went to the Records office to see Bering and to get a copy of the SALN of the members of the prosecution panel. Bering was not at the office. 

Ilagan texted Bering about the supposed meeting. Bering replied through SMS, saying: “Ok I may not be able to report for work due to health reason. Anyway, can you go to Bobby Maling of SecGen? Per my staff, wala pa approved request ang pcij. Tnx(.)”

Ilagan and Caronan then went to the secretary general’s office to talk to Director Roberto P. Maling. Referring to PCIJ’s January story, Maling said that he did not deny PCIJ’s requests; he said that PCIJ at the time was requesting for SALNs that were not yet available. Ilagan begged to differ and repeated to Maling what he had specifically told her. Maling commented that Ilagan’s recollection seemed so certain even if her basis was just her memory. Ilagan said that she keeps a request log wherein she records, among others, the responses of government officials and employees every time she makes a follow-up call on requests.

Maling then advised Ilagan to just send new and separate letter-requests for the SALNs of the prosecution panel members and the rest of the members of the House.

Ilagan also asked about how the Office of the Secretary General processes or deals with requests for SALNs. She requested a copy of the memorandum that supposedly provides for the procedures for the issuance of the SALN. Maling replied by saying that it would be better if Ilagan puts her request in writing.

Feb. 16, 2012

Ilagan sent three letters to the Office of the Secretary General following Maling’s instructions: one, a request for the SALNs and personal data sheet or curriculum vitae (PDS/CV) of the members of the prosecution panel; two, a request for the SALNs and PDS/CV vitae of the rest of the members of the House; and, three, a query on how the Office of the Secretary General processes SALN requests and a request for a copy of the memorandum that supposedly provides for the procedures for SALN release.

Copies of these letters were also sent to House Speaker Belmonte, Deputy Speaker Tañada, House Committee on Public Information Chairperson Rep. Ben P. Evardone, and Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales.

On the same day, PCIJ also sent separate requests for a copy of the SALNs of Iloilo Rep. Niel C. Tupas Jr., Quezon Rep. Tañada, Marikina Rep. Romero Frederico S. Quimbo, and Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo M. Angara.

In the afternoon, Rep. Tañada sent a copy of his CV and his SALNs as of July 2010 and as of December 2010 SALN, along with a formal reply. 

Feb. 20, 2012

PCIJ sent copies of all the Feb. 16, 2012 letters by post.

Feb. 21, 2012

Ilagan called Emily of the secretary general’s office who said that all three letters are with Legal. She advised Ilagan to call in one or two days.

Feb. 23, 2012

Emily of the secretary general’s office told Ilagan to follow up PCIJ’s requests with the Legal Affairs Department. Ilagan then called Bles of Legal. Bles said that Legal had received only two requests from PCIJ. 

Ilagan then called Emily to ask about the third letter or the query letter. Emily said that her boss had already talked to Bles's boss, which she said was probably why Bles didn’t know about the query letter. Emily also said the secretary general’s office is planning to adopt the Civil Service Commission’s guidelines on releasing copies of SALN.

Mar. 7, 2012

Bles of Legal said that there was no feedback yet and that new guidelines were still being drafted. Ilagan also called Maling of the Secretary-General’s office to inform him of the 15-working-days deadline in law, but he was out of the office. 

Mar. 12, 2012

A staff employee at the Office of the Secretary General said that the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is being drafted at the Planning and Management Information Service, and that the SOP would then be referred to the Legal Affairs Department.

Ilagan also tried to speak to Maling to ask for the secretary general’s official reply to PCIJ’s letter pertaining to the 15-working day deadline in law. She also wanted to ask Maling the reasons that triggered the revision, the timetable or when the procedure will likely be finalized, and why actions are not taken on PCIJ’s SALN requests considering that these are filed prior to the issuance of the revised procedures. Ilagan called four times, but Maling was either out of the office or busy or engaged in another line on all four occasions. 

Mar. 13, 2012

Ilagan called the Office of the Secretary General twice. Maling was again unavailable on both times.

Ilagan also called Bles of Legal. She was told that the requests were still pending approval.

Mar. 14, 2012

Ilagan tried to call Maling, but Lito of the secretary general’s office said he stepped out. Ilagan also asked if Maling was informed about the messages she left for him since last week. Lito said yes.

Individual requests sent to Tupas and Quimbo were still pending approval despite numerous follow-up calls. 

The request sent to Angara was supposedly approved. On Feb. 23, Rep. Angara’s office said it will send a copy of the lawmaker’s CV and SALNs on Feb. 27 or 28 by post, but the PCIJ has not yet received any mail. – Karol Ilagan, PCIJ, March 2012
SINCE the impeachment trial of Chief Justice Renato C. Corona began two months ago, members of the House of Representatives have repeatedly said that the public is welcome to access their Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth or SALNs. The PCIJ presumes itself as part of the public, but somehow it still hasn’t had that much luck in securing copies of the SALNs of members of the current House. 

As of press time, the Office of the Secretary General at the House had yet to approve PCIJ’s long-standing requests for a copy of the SALNs of members of the 15^th Congress. The requests, which were filed in 2011 and then early this year, are now being subjected to procedures that the Office is still revising. The House has failed to issue an official response to the latest request within the period stipulated by the law.

PCIJ was also not very successful in its separate SALN requests to four members of the prosecution panel: Iloilo Rep. Niel C. Tupas Jr., Quezon Rep. Lorenzo R. Tañada III, Marikina Rep. Romero Frederico S. Quimbo, and Aurora Rep. Juan Edgardo M. Angara. As of this writing, only Rep. Tañada has provided a copy of his CV and SALNs to PCIJ. In his reply, the Deputy Speaker said as well that he had given a “blanket authority for the Secretary General to release my SALN to whoever asks for it.”

In stark contrast to the House, the Senate has consistently granted PCIJ’s requests. These include PCIJ’s most recent request for the SALNs of certain senators from 1998 to 2010, which was approved and processed by the Senate Secretary within 11 working days.

PCIJ’s Jan. 20, 2012 request for a copy of the SALNs of certain senior officials including the heads of all the constitutional commissions from 1998 to 2010 was also granted by the Office of the Ombudsman. A total of 106 SALNs were released by the Office within 10 working days.

Last January, PCIJ published a story about its often frustrating experiences in accessing SALNs from various state agencies. But it entertained some hope that recalcitrant government offices would eventually release the documents — and soon. That included the House of Representatives, where the SALN custodian, according to law, is the secretary general’s office. After all, various media reports had quoted House Secretary General Marilyn B. Yap, in response to PCIJ’s story, as saying that House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr. had issued an order to keep records open, especially to the media. 

Ricardo Bering, director of the Records Management Service, had also said that people could do research at the House of Representatives and copy documents during regular working hours.

And then there were some House members who took the initiative to voluntarily disclose their SALNs after the story was released, among them Akbayan Party-List Representatives Kaka Bag-ao and Walden Bello, who posted copies of their SALNs online. 

Bello gave the Office of the Secretary General the authority to release his SALN to requesting parties as well. In addition, Bello said he would “engage” officials of the House of Representatives to ease restrictions in the release of the complete SALNs of Congress members.

But when PCIJ made follow-up calls to the Office of the Secretary General, the Office disregarded its previous requests and asked PCIJ to file new ones. So, on Feb. 16, 2012, PCIJ sent three letters to Secretary General Yap following Director Roberto P. Maling’s instructions: one, a request for the SALNs and personal data sheet or curriculum vitae (PDS/CV) of the members of the prosecution panel; two, a request for the SALNs and PDS/CV vitae of the rest of the members of the House; and, three, a query on how the Office of the Secretary General processes SALN requests and a request for a copy of the memorandum that supposedly provides for the procedures for SALN release.

Copies of these letters were also sent to House Speaker Belmonte, Deputy Speaker Tañada, House Committee on Public Information Chairperson Rep. Ben P. Evardone, and Ombudsman Conchita Carpio Morales.

More than 15 working days have passed since these new (yet old) requests were submitted, but no approval or at least an official response has been issued by the Office. Under the law, public officials and employees are required to respond to letters, telegrams, or other means of communications sent by the public within 15 working days. The reply must contain the action taken on the request.

According to staff employees of the Office of the Secretary General and the Legal Affairs Department, the requests are still pending because procedures for SALN release are still being revised. The Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) is supposedly being drafted at the Planning and Management Information Service, which would then be referred to the Legal Affairs Department.

PCIJ tried to seek clarifications on the supposed revised guidelines but Director Maling, the person in charge, has been unavailable since last week. In particular, the PCIJ wanted to find out the reasons that triggered the revision, the timetable or when the procedure will likely be finalized, and why actions have not been taken regarding PCIJ’s SALN requests, considering that these were filed prior to the issuance of the revised procedures. 

In PCIJ’s prior experience, the procedures followed at the House of Representatives for SALN requests were: requestors submit a letter and an accomplished request form to the Office of the Secretary General; the Office of the Secretary General then sends the request to the Legal Affairs Department for recommendation; the Legal Affairs Department informs and gets the approval of the House members concerned; the Legal Affairs Department then sends its recommendation to Office of the Secretary General, which forwards it to the Records Management Service; and, the Records Management Service releases the documents for photocopying.

One of the staff employees at the secretary general’s office said that the Office may adopt the Civil Service Commission’s guidelines for the release of SALN. Should this happen, the Office of the Secretary General may require requesting parties to submit IDs and endorsement from his or her employer or school dean or secretary (for students), among other things.  If the request is approved, there would be a fee of P200 per SALN. 

Meanwhile, Akbayan Rep. Bello’s office says it is still following up with the Office of the Secretary General matters pertaining to its previous discussions regarding PCIJ’s SALN request. According to Bello’s Senior Legislative and Media Officer Sabrina Gacad, the secretary general has not responded to Bello’s Jan. 24, 2012 letter that in part asked why the 2010 SALNs of the House members were not released. – PCIJ, March 2012

FORMER Maguindanao Governor Andal Salibo Ampatuan Sr. is, as far as his statements of assets, liabilities, and net worth (SALN) are concerned, a simple farmer. His son Zaldy, formerly the regional governor of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), has no other source of income, apart from the pawnshop owned by his wife Johaira.

Yet these two members of the Ampatuan clan alone own 65 properties scattered throughout Maguindanao, Cotabato City, Davao City, and even in ritzy Dasmariñas Village in Makati, home to many foreign embassies and a refuge of the country’s rich and famous. These real properties range from a two-hectare farm lot in Cotabato City, to magnificent structures in Davao City and Shariff Aguak that tower over the simple abodes of one of the country’s poorest provinces. One residential property in Davao City alone covers at least 4,000 square meters, and has a mansion that dwarfs other high-end homes with its opulence.

These properties are included in an array of assets of the Ampatuans that are covered by a 23-page freeze order issued by the Court of Appeals. The order was first issued on Jun. 6, 2011. It has since been extended, but unless there is another extension, the order will remain in effect only until Dec. 2 this year.

It was the Anti-Money Laundering Council or AMLC that had asked the court for a freeze order on all the known assets of the Ampatuans, who were implicated in the infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre.

AMLC based its petition, which it submitted to the Court on May 30, 2011, on two major documents: the results of a special audit conducted by the Commission on Audit (COA) on the expenditures of the ARMM from January 2008 to September 2009, and the results of a lifestyle check conducted by a special panel headed by Deputy Ombudsman for Mindanao Humphrey T. Monteroso.

But it was the Ombudsman panel’s lifestyle check, submitted on June 29, 2010, that appeared to be a major factor in convincing the Court of Appeals to issue the freeze order. (Then Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez approved Deputy Ombudsman Monteroso’s report on Aug. 16, 2010. Copies of the lifestyle check report were to have been submitted to the Bureau of Internal Revenue, the Philippine National Police, and COA.)

The Ombudsman’s lifestyle check showed that the two Ampatuan family members “accumulated wealth in excess and out of proportion to their legitimate income.”

In part, the report said that based on the documents gathered by the panel, “Andal S. Ampatuan Sr. owned at least 27 houses and lots located at Shariff Aguak, Cotabato City, and Davao City worth an estimated P90,463,262.78, most of which were not declared in his Statements of Assets, and Liabilities.”

The lifestyle panel noted that Andal Sr. declared real properties worth only P21,506,500 when he last filed his SALN in 2007.

Monteroso’s lifestyle panel, meanwhile, said that Zaldy owned at least 38 houses and lots located in Shariff Aguak, Cotabato City, Davao City, and in Metro Manila “worth an estimated P58,488,545.40, most of which were not declared in his Statements of Assets and Liabilities.”

Zaldy had declared real properties worth P34,196,333.50 in his last SALN filed in 2009.

According to the Ombudsman panel, the younger Ampatuan’s real properties include:

• A stately mansion along Tamarind Road in upscale Dasmariñas Village in Makati, reportedly listed under the name of a Delia Sumail. The mansion presently appears unoccupied, although sources revealed that Zaldy used to conduct some of his businesses here when he was in Manila. Too, staffers from the ARMM liaison office in Manila would deliver documents meant for Zaldy’s perusal to this address.
• A residential unit on the 21st floor of the Lotus Tower of the Oriental Gardens condominium along Pasong Tamo in Makati, near Buendia Avenue.
• A mansion along Kalamansi street in Juna Subdivision, just a stone’s throw away from the grander mansion of his father, Andal Sr.
• At least 14 houses and lots distributed throughout Davao City: Nova Tierra Subdivision, Robinsons Highlands, and Juna Subdivision.
• At least 13 houses and lots throughout Cotabato City, mostly in the San Isidro area.

“The panel contends that these undeclared values of real properties can neither be explained nor justified by the net or disposable income of respondent as derived from his Annual Income Tax Returns,” it said in its report.

Zaldy, said the panel, did not appear to have any other means of making a living aside from his salary as Regional Governor of the ARMM.

“The only business interest and financial connection that Zaldy Ampatuan declared was that of the Maguindanao Pawnshop owned by his spouse, Johaira ‘Bongbong’ Midtimbang Ampatuan,” it said.

As for Ampatuan Sr., the lifestyle check panel found that he had not even declared a single real property in Davao City and Cotabato City. And yet Davao City is home to possibly the largest mansion allegedly owned by Andal Sr., a multi-structure mansion that covers an entire block along Kasuy and Kalamansi streets in upscale Juna Subdivision.

The mansion remains unfinished, as parts of the stone and concrete fence had not yet been fully painted. But solar panels have already been installed on the roof, reportedly in order to power water heaters for an indoor swimming pool. That mansion was raided by operatives of the National Bureau of Investigation backed up by army armored personnel carriers in December 2009, when the government was still looking for firearms owned by the Ampatuans. That lot covers 4,105 square meters in a residential neighborhood.

Other real properties allegedly owned by Andal Sr. include:

• Various properties in Davao City, including several parcels of land in Juna Subdivision, Marfori Heights, and Matina Crossing.
• Various properties in Cotabato City, notably in Moreno Subdivision, Kakar, and Rosary Heights.
• Various properties in Shariff Aguak, including the mansion along the national highway near the capitol. The compound of the mansion is so large that it also houses Andal Sr.’s personal mosque.

The panel noted that Andal Sr. had no visible means of livelihood other than a farm he had declared in his SALNs, which earned him “a farm business income of less than P200,000” from 2001 to 2002. Nevertheless, it said that Andal Sr.’s income surged to P1,558,220.60 in 2003, “eight times higher than the previous year’s amount.”

“This sudden surge in income is highly questionable considering that the only declared business of Andal S. Ampatuan Sr. was his farm business,” the lifestyle check panel reported. – PCIJ, November 2011

By knowing where these streetlights have been built, residents and most especially commuters may actually locate the lampposts, and propose to their LGUs where else in the city more should be installed. Or, they can report to their LGUs where lampposts need repair, consume energy 24/7, or even, where there have just a swarm of lampposts.

The value or lack of value in LGU spending on lampposts is a matter that citizens may also compare, if they are so armed with data on the unit cost of these lampposts.

For instance, of the six cities that provided documents regarding their streetlights as part of the PCIJ audit, Makati turned out to have the biggest number of lampposts at 4,803 that the city said were constructed from 2004 to 2010. Malabon comes in second with 2,929, and then Quezon City with 1,660, Mandaluyong with 1,616, and San Juan, 921.

While specifications were not provided, the price variance for the lampposts that various LGUs install in NCR is an interesting matter. Documents showed that in Malabon, each lamppost costs P31,486.80 while in San Juan, each unit costs P49,621.90.

In Makati, the cost of a lamppost ranges approximately from P240,000 to P280,000. This amount, according to Makati City Engineer Nelson R. Morales, includes the following: excavation/restoration and other civil works, wirings and conduits, illuminated street names, programmable lighting controller, and MERALCO service connection. Morales also noted that the “cost varies depending on additional problems that might be encountered (on) site” such as “drainage diversion, unavailability of Secondary Distribution Facilities, and others…”

How much LGUs pay in public funds to maintain the lampposts are curious details, too. Quezon City spends P34.85 million per month on average, or more than a million pesos a day, on the power consumption of its lampposts. Its projected power consumption for 2011, as of March, 14, 2011, is a hefty P418.20 million. And of this amount, the projected power bill for so-called ornamental lampposts account for 41 percent, or P171.31 million. – With research by Anne Jeanette O. Priela, Krystal Kay S. Jimena, David Faustino T. de Castro, Essen Mei M. Miguel, Henor G. Gotis, Eric H. Rivera, and Stephanie Directo, PCIJ, July 2011.

The net increase in his wealth: P39,559,102, or 256 percent more in just 12 months.

The spike in his net worth was, in fact, first recorded in June 2010, a month after the elections, when Aquino filed his mid-year Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN), as the law requires all winning candidates to do before they can assume office.

In June 2010, Aquino reported a net worth of P50,194,000. This would increase by P4 million in the next six months, hence the P54-million net worth that he declared in the end-2010 SALN that he filed on Apr. 25, 2011.

The rate of increase in Aquino’s wealth in the last year is unequalled by even his own record from 1998, when he first filed his SALN as a member of the House of Representatives, representing his home province of Tarlac. On his first term in the House, Aquino declared a net worth of only P8,707,247, which rose to P13,941,627 in 2007. This translates to a net increase in his wealth of only P5,234,380, or a growth rate of only 60 percent in nine years.

To be sure, the P36.9-million excess campaign donations that he had reported to the Commission on Elections (Comelec) does not account for Aquino’s recent big net worth increase. Indeed, in his December 2010 SALN, he reported only P228,961 as his only “liability,” which he said represented his “Tax Payables” to the “Bureau of Internal Revenue” or BIR. 

The liability, imputing an applicable 30-percent tax levy, indicates that Aquino had earned compensation income of only P707,989, or roughly P58,999 in gross monthly pay, for the whole of 2010.

If he had enrolled his P36.9-million excess campaign donations as part of his income in 2010, according to the BIR’s Revenue Regulation 7-2011 dated Feb. 16, 2011, Aquino should have paid millions more in taxes.

BIR Commissioner Kim Jacinto-Henares tells the PCIJ that the excess campaign funds were not recorded in the Income Tax Return (ITR) for 2010 that the president filed within the deadline last Apr. 15.

But the growth in his net worth may be well explained by other sources, according to both Henares and Presidential Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda.

And while what actually happened to the P37-million excess campaign funds he raised in the May 2010 elections remains a puzzling web of details not fully disclosed or even documented, it seems the latest increase in his net worth may be reasonably explained, at the very least.

Asked earlier to explain Aquino’s rise in affluence, Lacierda had told reporters that the president had realized P17 million from the sale of a family property in Antipolo City, aside from inheriting assets following the death of his mother, former President Corazon ‘Cory’ C. Aquino, on Aug. 1, 2009.

Henares also tells the PCIJ that the Aquinos had sold in 2010 a “sizeable” prime property in Antipolo that was part of the estate of the Sumulong clan, the maternal relatives of Cory Aquino.

Saying she is not at liberty to disclose details or documents, unless cleared by the president, Henares instead offers that she has verified that the Aquinos had paid “a very substantial amount” of capital gains tax due from the sale.

The president also recorded in his December 2010 SALN two real properties as “inheritance” – a “residential house and lot” in Quezon City that he valued at P13,796,167, and a “commercial lot” in San Juan City that he valued at P7,016,906. The two properties accounted for a more P20-million increase in the value of his real properties, from only P761,440 in December 2009.

Again, Henares says the records of the BIR show that the President had paid the rightful “estate tax” on these two inherited properties.

But other than the rise in value of his real properties, what accounted for Aquino’s wealth explosion in 2010 was a P17,031,484 in “receivables” that Lacierda had explained to be the value of the Antipolo property that the Aquinos had sold.

A third discernible source of wealth growth was the “cash on hand and cash in banks” that Aquino reported in December 2010. It nearly doubled to P6,223,704, from just P3,246,900 in December 2009.

The steep climb in Aquino’s net worth in the last 12 months had also been boosted by the decision of youngest sister, entertainment celebrity Ma. Kristina Bernadette Aquino-Yap, to forfeit her claim on the estate of Cory Aquino, in favor of her only brother, says someone close to the president.

This meant, the presidential friend says, that instead of the four Aquino daughters and the president getting 20 percent share each, P-Noy, Cory’s only son, received a 40-percent share.

Moreover, two liabilities that Aquino reported in his 2009 SALN had disappeared by 2010: “mortgage payable” in the amount of P3,826,740, and “other payable” in the amount of P1,500,230. In other words, he grew his wealth even as he settled over P5 million in debts in just 12 months.

Other than showing bigger positive numbers, Aquino’s December 2010 SALN is also remarkable for the suddenly absent names of nine family-owned companies in which he listed holding business interests and financial connections until 2009.

It seemed like the president had divested himself of all his shares in these companies, quietly and secretly, if also according to law. Lacierda tells that PCIJ that the absence of these companies in the latest SALN of Aquino “indicates” divestment. The presidential spokesperson, however, has yet to accede to the request for documentary proof.

Five of the nine companies that used to crowd Aquino’s SALNs, though, had been reporting net losses in recent years: Tarlac Development Corp., Jose Cojuangco & Sons, Inc., Tarlac Distillery Corp., Paniqui Sugar Corp., and Luisita Golf & Country Club, Inc.

Only three seemed to be still in the black: Central Azucarera de Tarlac, Liberty Insurance Corp. and Luisita Marketing Corp.

No records could be found with the Securities and Exchange Commission for a ninth company, Pedro Cojuangco et al., in which Aquino had declared interest in his SALNs from 2006 to 2008.

To be sure, the rate of increase in Aquino’s wealth last year is unequalled by even his own record from 1998 to 2007, or before he became president.

When he first filed his SALN as a member of the House of Representatives, Aquino declared a net worth of only P8,707,247. This rose to P13,941,627 in 2007, a net increase of only P5,234,380. That redounds to a growth rate of only 60 percent in nine years, or a modest 6.6 percent wealth expansion per year. – PCIJ, July 2011

This includes all of the 43 organizations that now have nominees sitting in the House of Representatives.

Of the 169 or so party-list groups allowed to participate in the electoral contest, however, at least 26 (or about 15 percent) remain without SECEs filed with Comelec, even though they are subject to the same electoral laws as the ‘mainstream’ political parties.

Unfortunately, Comelec may have a hard time meting out penalties on these errant groups, based on PCIJ’s attempts to track them down. For one, of the 26 party-list organizations that didn’t file SECEs, PCIJ was able to send letters of clarification to only six because whatever contact information they had on record apparently was no longer applicable.

For another, of the six that PCIJ was able to contact successfully, only three so far have replied.

Hassan U. Dalimbang, founding chairman and first nominee of the Filipino Muslim Organization (Fil-Mus), readily admitted to PCIJ that he had not submitted a SECE “(in spite) of the fact that I had known very well the Rules and Regulations governing electoral contributions and expenditures in connection with the May 10, 2010 elections.”

In his letter to the Center, Dalimbang said he had not filed the papers as required by law because he had lost in the elections anyway and his “mind was sidetracked” by his involvement with issues concerning overseas Filipino workers or OFWs, which he considered more “pressing” and needing of his “immediate attention.” But he also said that his non-compliance was because the “receipts of all expenditures…were inadvertently lost during the campaign and election periods.”

Dante Francis M. Ang II, first nominee of Ahon Pinoy (which aims to protect the rights and welfare of OFWs), for his part said that were it not for PCIJ’s letter, the group “would not have known” that it had not filed its SECE.

“All the while,” wrote Ang in a letter dated May 27, 2011, “we assumed that our finance manager had taken care of the reportorial requirements.” He then said Ahon Pinoy would “submit a belated report to the Comelec as soon as (the group has) gathered all relevant documents.”

The Koalisyon ng Katutubong Samahan ng Pilipinas (KASAPI), which represents indigenous peoples, meanwhile said that it had submitted by courier its SECE to Comelec on Aug. 25, 2010. In a written reply to PCIJ’s queries, KASAPI administrative officer Jhon Jeff Tolentino said that this was after the group had received notice from Comelec asking it to submit its SECE.

KASAPI’s Jun. 7, 2011 letter to PCIJ came with a copy of its SECE, along with tracking information provided by the courier company. The tracking information showed that the parcel was received by a certain Trifona Root at Comelec.

When PCIJ last looked at Comelec’s files last April, though, it failed to find any copy of KASAPI’s SECE. Then again, this is the same government body that up until recently had conflicting lists of accredited party-list organizations, leading to confusion over which should be included in its roster of SECE non-filers.

In fact, Comelec had as much as 187 party-list groups on the official ballot. But when PCIJ tried checking on the supposed 36 non-filers based on a list drawn up by the Comelec’s Law Department, it found that a number of these had already been disqualified by the Commission way before the elections.

Among these groups was the United Filipino Seafarers (UFS), which had its registration as a sectoral party dismissed on Dec. 11, 2009. Its motion for reconsideration was denied by Comelec on Feb. 2, 2010. It was thus a perceivably irate Nelson Ramirez – president of UFS – who wrote to PCIJ last May that its being on the Comelec SECE non-filer list was “ridiculous.”

The Comelec Law Department has since cleaned up its SECE non-filer list. Whether it can get non-compliant party-list organizations to clean up their acts is another matter. – With research by Jessa Mae Jarilla, PCIJ, Julys 2011

CCT beneficiary-families are also very thankful and happy about the benefits they receive from the program.

And while there have been no widespread changes in the sources of independently-generated income and income-levels of 4Ps households since the program began, the cash grants have eased the severity of lean periods and enable more expenditures and consumption of basic necessities and some non-staple commodities and services during abundant periods.

At the barangay level, the program seems to have helped increase the number of children who have been immunized, as well as in improving children’s weights and families’ ability to manage sickness in the household. Greater awareness of maternal health concerns was also observed.

One significant change, though, was in the physical and material readiness of the children to attend school. Indeed, the IPC researchers note that the CCT children came to class clothed more properly, equipped with the necessary materials, and with full stomachs. The clothing, materials and projects, and food also seem to have made students more interested to come to school and be more active in class.

Parents as well were more participative, interacting more with teachers to monitor their children’s performance. At the very least, they no longer had to feel ashamed about any unpaid school fees.

A reduction of child labor in the areas visited by the IPC was attributed to the program’s frowning on child labor. The need for children to work at an early age remained just so poor households could survive, but the CCT program seems to have led to greater awareness and sensitivity about child labor.

Now the bad news: It remains unclear whether the positive behavioral changes observed were simply a result of the beneficiaries’ compliance with the CCT conditionalities (and could therefore disappear once the program ends) or actually signal the onset of long-lasting improvements.

The CCT families themselves were very unsure of how they would fare once the program ends, seemingly convinced that their future was still bleak. Majority did not see how their children could continue without the CCT, much less complete their schooling.

Says the IPC study: “At this rate then, whether school attendance will translate into academic achievement, completion of education, and eventually gainful employment remains blurry. Parents themselves can only be hopeful about their children completing high school. They acknowledge the lack of other income generating opportunities, high cost of education, and limited provision and duration of 4Ps as major constraints to their children’s full acquisition and benefit of education. The teachers recognize the same formidable constraints and are likewise wary, even befuddled about opportunities for children and youth from the (CCT) households.” – Che de los Reyes, PCIJ, May 2011

The biggest of these “pantawid” initiatives, of course, is the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) or the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) that has been allotted P21 billion in the 2011 General Appropriations Act (GAA), and a substantial part of it funded with loans from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.

Three other programs are also listed under the 4Ps, each with its own hefty budget: the “Supplemental Feeding Program” (P2.88 billion), “Food for Work for Internally Displaced Persons” (P881 million), and “Rice Subsidy Program” (P4.23 billion). Altogether, these other subsidy programs are worth an additional P8 billion.

In the CCT and these other programs, the 2,500-strong Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) has been designated lead agency, with other agencies as co-implementers or mere deputies. One can say that the DSWD suddenly has its plate full not just with too much work, but also too much money.

In fact, the P21 billion set aside for the CCT in the GAA this year is more than double the allocation that the DSWD received last year. It is also the largest cost item in the department’s budget, eating up 62 percent of the agency’s total allotment of P34.2 billion for 2011.

(To coincide with the recent observance of Labor Day, Aquino launched through Executive Order No. 32 the “Pantawid Pasada” or Public Transport Assistance Program. Under it, a targeted total of 214,596 jeepney and tricycle drivers and operators received “smart cards” pre-loaded with up to P1,050, or roughly a fuel assistance of P35 a day for one whole month. The program’s launch, which had energy department officials handing out cards to drivers who had queued for hours, cost taxpayers at least P225.32 million, net of administrative expenses. The implementing rules for EO No. 32 say that Pantawid Pasada has an initial allocation of P450 million.)

To be sure, cash grants to targeted beneficiaries have been acknowledged as better and less-costly safety net measures, in contrast to price subsidies that tend to benefit even the rich. It is not clear, however, how these cash-outs supplement each other, or what outcomes they are designed to yield, under the Philippine Development Plan for 2011-2016 that the government fully disclosed only last week.

It’s also unclear how a small executive agency like the DSWD will be able to implement these programs efficiently, without sacrificing its regular tasks under its “social welfare arm” – providing assistance to victims of abuse and exploitation, and relief assistance in times of disasters. DSWD Secretary Corazon ‘Dinky’ Soliman herself says these tasks should go hand-in-hand with the agency’s “development arm” that includes implementing the CCT.

At the very least, the DSWD likes to say that the pantawid programs complement its work. It also bristles at any suggestion that the programs involve dole-outs. Thus, the Rice Subsidy Program is also called “Rice for Work.” It aims to augment the incomes of about two million small-scale farmers and fishers nationwide during lean months following the harvest season. The DSWD says it is equivalent to their wages for 14 days’ work in a month.

Like the beneficiaries for the CCT, the farmers and fisherfolk who will benefit from the Rice for Work program will be selected through the National Household Targeting System for Poverty Reduction (NHTS-PR). Supposedly, the distribution of rice subsidies had already begun last May 15.

The CCT’s P21 billion, meanwhile, is meant for distribution among 2.3 million poor households by year end. It’s an ambitious undertaking that poses a huge administrative challenge for DSWD to implement. Accordingly, it will also extract a substantial cost, as a closer scrutiny of Republic Act No. 10147 or the GAA for Fiscal Year 2011 reveals.

In other words, not every centavo of that P21 billion will go to poor families. Also eating up a hefty portion of the budget are amounts earmarked for activities related to disbursing those cash grants and for keeping the entire undertaking up and running. The budget for these operational, administrative, and capital outlay altogether amounts to about P4 billion, or a fifth of the total CCT budget.

Translated, that means that for every P100 that the government will be spending for the CCT this year, P80 will go directly to poor families as “cash grants,” while the remaining P20 will be spent in the course of bringing that money to them. And that’s not even counting the P100-million budget for selecting the recipients of cash transfers through the NHTS-PR.

A Cabinet secretary said the huge administrative cost of the CCT that is being implemented “top-down” is an attempt by the Aquino government to plug “leakages to corruption,” which marred many pro-poor projects in the past that were implemented “bottom-up” or with local government agencies as coordinators.

It’s an overhead cost that seems really huge. But the DSWD sees it as a necessary investment that would help ensure that the program would be free of leakages and shielded from political influence.

That goal, coupled with the magnitude of the undertaking, prompted DSWD to hire thousands of personnel, albeit on a contractual basis. Most of these personnel – called municipal links (MLs) and city links (CLs) – are social workers, but they are not to be confused with municipal social welfare and development officers (MSWDOs) who are employed by the local government unit (LGU). So while the MSWDOs report to the mayor, the MLs and CLs report to DSWD’s regional offices.

The agency has offices in the 16 administrative regions of the country, excluding the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, but does not have units from the provincial level down. All local social welfare and development offices are under the supervision of governors and mayors.

Under the CCT, the DSWD is now scheduled to hire 2,300 contractual ground monitors – the MLs and the CLs – fattening its staff complement twice over.

Among the tasks of the CL/MLs are to coordinate with beneficiaries regarding cash-grant transmittals, as well as with municipal social workers on the conduct of family development sessions. The CL/MLs also monitor compliance of the beneficiaries to the CCT’s conditions and serve as the first line of grievance redress.

To make sure that each ML or CL will be able to closely monitor each CCT family, each is assigned 1,000 beneficiaries. There are about 2,000 CL/MLs under the DSWD’s employ at present, but by the end of the year, that figure is expected to reach 2,300. By then, the department expects to have 2.3 million CCT beneficiary-families.

That also means the DSWD will be spending P34.5 million a month or about P414 million annually just for the salaries of the CL/MLs, each of whom gets P15,000 a month.

But the GAA lists even a bigger amount under “Salaries and Allowances” for the CCT since there are other DSWD personnel (newly hired and otherwise) who are also involved in the program. According to Soliman, such involvement would make the program “integrated within the agency rather than (have) a separate foreign-assisted program unit…that will end when there is no more funding.”

But it’s actually “trainings” (sic), not salaries, which are the second largest cost item in the CCT budget. For this year, the “trainings” allocation is P1.6 billion, or monthly expenses for the item of P135 million or P4.45 million per day. The DSWD argues, though, that this would ensure that the CL/MLs and DSWD staff would be able to do all the tasks assigned them for CCT.

There are mechanisms for monitoring DSWD’s performance and accountability for the program. For instance, a GAA special provision specifically requires DSWD to “submit to the DBM, the House Committee on Appropriations and Senate Committee on Finance separate quarterly reports on the disbursements made for the Program or post on its official website, at least on a quarterly basis, the beneficiaries identified under the NHTS-PR National, utilization of amounts, status of implementation, program evaluation and/or assessment reports.”

The DSWD has transmitted its first-quarter report on the CCT, according to a staffer of Sen. Franklin M. Drilon, chair of the Senate Committee on Finance. The report was dated April 18, 2011, or two weeks after the close of the first quarter. No copies of the report, however, have been disclosed as of this writing.

With such a big increase in the CCT budget, President Aquino himself found it prudent to have yet another mechanism for monitoring the program. Inserted in the special provisions is the president’s veto: “The Oversight Committees on Public Expenditures herein created in the Senate and House of Representatives shall strictly monitor the effective implementation of the (CCT) Program.” – PCIJ, May 2011

Based on the data he enrolled in his sworn Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALN), what follow are the highlights of the financial history of Mikey and wife Ma. Angela Montenegro Arroyo. Last Thursday, Apr. 7, 2011, the Bureau of Internal Revenue filed a P73.85-million tax evasion complaint against the couple.

1992

Mikey began his stint in public office as a legislative staff officer to his mother, then Senator Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Entries in his 1992 SALN were filled with “N/A” or “not applicable.” Mikey, 23 at the time, had zero net worth.

1993

Mikey declared a net worth of P50,000 – all cash on hand.

1994

Earning P7,370 monthly, Mikey’s last recorded net worth as a Senate employee was at P320,000 in 1994. He resigned Dec. 16, 1995.

2001

This is a significant year for the Arroyos – Mikey was elected vice-governor of Pampanga and his mother became President. From his last recorded SALN in 1994, his wealth grew by over 16 times this year at P5.72 million – all in personal assets. By this time, Mikey should be paying income tax for his salary as vice-governor. As well, he should also be paying income tax for the talent fees he earned in the three movies he reportedly made this year. One of the most prominent ones is the “Mahal kita… Kahit sino ka pa!” (I Love You… No MatterWho You Are!) where he starred opposite Judy Ann Santos.

Tax records from the BIR shows that Mikey originally registered on Apr. 18, 2001 as a One Time Transaction (ONETT) taxpayer with Revenue District No. 21 B, South Pampanga under Tax Identification Number 210-543-613-000.

2002

This year is yet another momentous one for Mikey. He married Angela A. Montenegro and became father to Mikaela Gloria the same year. He also starred in at least one movie titled “Walang Iba Kundi Ikaw” (No One But You) with Geneva Cruz and Roi Vinzon.

His 2002 SALN in filed with the Office of the Ombudsman says that his net worth decreased by more than P700,000 this year. This entire amount was deducted from his cash on hand and in bank, which meant that he did not buy any new piece of watch or clothing and shares of stock as the acquisition costs of these items did not change from last year’s.

On Jun. 19, 2002, he would register again with Revenue District No. 39, South Quezon City under TIN 914-841-267-000. The TIN issued in Pampanga would only be cancelled later in Jul. 22, 2009.

Just the same, Mikey should be filing tax return and paying income tax for his salary as vice-governor and talent fee as actor.

Records from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), meanwhile, reveal that ‘Juan Miguel M. Arroyo’ is listed as shareholder in Klub Don Juan de Manila Inc. and Franchino Farms Inc. as of 2002. These companies were not listed in Mikey’s Dec. 2002 SALN.

Speaking on behalf of Mikey, lawyer Ruy Rondain says Franchino Farms is listed in the 2002 supplement while Klub Don Juan need not be declared because it is a foundation.

2003

The PCIJ found no record of Mikey’s 2003 SALN at the Office of the Ombudsman and the Pampanga Human Resources Management Office. A copy of this SALN, however, was provided by lawyer Rondain.

Mikey supposedly made two movies this year: Masamang Ugat (Bad Origin) and A.B. Normal College.

As well, Mikey should be filing an income tax return and paying tax for his salary as vice-governor and talent fee as actor.

2004

Mikey’s fortune as an elected official recorded the steepest increase this year when he assumed the position of Pampanga Representative. In 2004, an election year, the neophyte congressman declared a net worth of P76.53 million, which is 15 times his P5-million net worth in 2002. Mikey and his lawyer explains that majority of the properties that were added to the lawmaker’s net worth was Angela’s, a heiress to an old-rich family.

The Arroyos made big acquisitions this year. They bought a P4-million house and lot in Lubao, Mikey’s hometown in Pampanga, and an P8-million house in posh La Vista Subdivision in Quezon City. These transactions would have led the couple to pay documentary stamp tax (P1 for every P200 of the value) and transfer fee (75 percent of the 1 percent of the property’s fair market value). If they bought the property from a buyer/seller, then it’s likely that the buyer/seller had them pay for the value-added tax (VAT) or sales tax. As well, the couple would have to pay real property tax (1.5 percent of the zonal value) for the house and lot annually.

His wife Angela is listed as director in five companies: Pacific Activated Carbon Co., International, Pacific Activated Carbon Inc., H.M. Montenegro Co., Inc., Titan Megabags Industrial Corp., and Titan Megatiles Industrial Corp.

In the case that Angela earn from dividends declared by these companies, a 10-percent final withholding tax will have to be paid. This tax, however, will not be filed in the stockholder’s ITR, but in the company’s tax return along with its audited financial statement.

2005

The couple bought a P49.5-million house in the United States, which would mean that they should have paid for necessary taxes in the country. They also made improvement worth P15 million for the La Vista house. If they hired a contractor, then it’s likely that the contractor had them pay for the VAT. VAT would also have to be paid for the P5.8-million furniture that they bought this year.

In an interview, Rondain said that the couple made two sales in 2005 – the house in the U.S. and the P8.5 million worth of jewelry. If they made profit off these sales, then they should have paid the corresponding income tax. The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR), however, discovered that Mikey and Angela did not file ITR in 2005.

As well, Mikey acquired loans from certain relatives worth P27.5-million. Loans this big usually require an affidavit or promissory note, says a tax lawyer. These papers are subject to a documentary stamp tax of P1 for P200 of the value. In the case that the creditor earns from the loan interest, then he or she would have to declare this in his or her income tax return.

SEC records show that ‘Angela M. Arroyo’ is also listed as shareholder in Bethestda Computer Institute Corp. in 2005. This company is not declared in the 2005 joint SALN of the couple. Rondain has knowledge about the company.

Angela also gave birth to their second daughter Marie Angelique this year.

2006

The couple listed a new house in the U.S., which he bought from the sale of the other house. Just the same, he would have to pay for the taxes applicable in the country.

Mikey’s cash on hand and in bank also increased by P15 million. If he earned from bank deposit interest then it will be subject to 20-percent final withholding tax by the bank.

This year, Mikey declared three businesses: Mikey’s Horseman Bar and Grill, Inc., Visualtoon Creations, Inc. and LPG Auto Gas.

In the case that Mikey earn from dividends declared by these companies, a 10-percent final withholding tax will have to be paid. This tax, however, will not be filed in the stockholder’s ITR, but in the company’s tax return along with its audited financial statement.

2007

The couple no longer has the U.S. property in their SALN. Significant increases, however, are recorded in their cash in bank and on hand (P46.7 million) and investments worth P44.33 million and P14.74 million.

It should be noted that Mikey’s 2005 to 2007 SALNs bear the note “TENTATIVE (Not yet including the 2005 [2006] [2007] Financial Statement of Spouse).”

CSC’s Ariel Ronquillo says that the note would mean that the information included in the SALN would be that of the declarant’s only, and not including his spouse’s assets or finances.

Rondain, however, says that the couple might have marked it tentative because they are saving it for amendment later. “I think they might just been careful,” he says.

Mikey also listed two new companies in his name: Beach Way Park and Los Manos Verdes Inc.

2008

The couple’s cash increased by P4.95 million, but their furniture decreased in cost by P1.3 million. Investments in various companies also increased to P15.24 million. Liabilities, meanwhile, decreased from P58.22 million to P56.87 million.

The BIR said there is no record of the couple’s ITR filing this year.

Mikey declared a new business entity, U18 Properties, Inc.

2009

Total personal assets decreased as the total amount of liabilities also decreased, which results to Mikey and Angela’s net worth of P101.35 million.

The couple allegedly did not file their ITR this year, according to the BIR.

Mikey also listed three new companies in his name: La Vista Investments and Holdings, Inc., Lourdes T. De Arroyo, Inc., and Asia Pacific Islands, LLC. – PCIJ, April 2011

Nine months ago, Aquino ran, won, and sealed a “Social Contract with the Filipino People” that promised “transparent, participative, and accountable governance.” His Budget Secretary, Florencio B. Abad, speaking at the Open Government Initiative forum of U.S. President Barack Obama held in Washington, DC, last January, precisely hyped this policy of the Aquino administration.

At that event launching “a global partnership for open governance,” Abad said: “One primary reason why our country has lagged behind our Asian counterparts is that national leadership had been susceptible to patronage, entrenching a culture of concealment, exclusivity and impunity throughout government. This is because official information had been sparse, and the space for people’s participation in governance had been very narrow.”

A key ally of Aquino, Abad might have spoken too soon. Last Monday, the Office of the President put up more barriers to requests for SALNs, paving the way for a more restrictive access to information regime than that which prevailed under former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Last Feb. 8, the PCIJ wrote the Office of Executive Secretary Paquito Ochoa, Jr. to request copies of the SALNs of Ombudsman Ma. Merceditas N. Gutierrez and her three predecessors, Simeon V. Marcelo, Aniano A. Desierto, and Conrado M. Vasquez.

It took Ochoa’s office 35 days to respond to the letter. And it did after the PCIJ had filed a second letter and made six follow-up phone calls. The law says government officials must respond within 15 working days to such requests.

Last Monday, Ochoa’s office finally responded in a letter signed by Senior Deputy Executive Secretary Jose Amor M. Amorado.

But the letter was a big damper. In it, Amorado said the PCIJ must first submit copies of its “registration documents (i.e., Securities and Exchange Commission, Bureau of Internal Revenue, Mayor’s Permit), and “an executive summary sufficiently describing the use of the SALNs requested.”

These requirements, according to Amorado, “comply with laws and administrative issuances related to the disclosure of SALNs.”

To be sure, Amorado opened his letter with a cheerful note. “I am pleased to inform you that the data you requested are available for photocopying or reproduction at the Malacañang Records Office – Office of the President.”

The PCIJ promptly phoned the Records Office only to find out that it only has the SALN of Gutierrez as former Justice Secretary and as former presidential legal counsel of Arroyo – or five years before she assumed the post of Ombudsman.

Amorado apparently did not check at all that the PCIJ, in its first letter, requested copies of Gutierrez’s SALN as Ombudsman from 2005 to 2010. It was only in its second letter that the PCIJ sought copies of the SALNs of Gutierrez as Justice secretary and presidential legal counsel.

In earlier queries with Presidential Communications Secretary Ramon ‘Ricky’ Carandang, the PCIJ had learned that the Palace is as clueless as everyone else about the SALNs that Gutierrez filed as Ombudsman.

Last March 13, Carandang wrote the PCIJ.  “I have conferred with Executive Secretary Ochoa about your query. The Office of the President does not have copies of the Ombudsman’s statements of assets and liabilities and net worth. The Ombudsman has not submitted these documents to the OP.” – Malou Mangahas and Karol Anne M. Ilagan, PCIJ, March 2011