by Yvonne T. Chua

AT THE height of the jueteng scandal in October, President Joseph Estrada remarked that he may have made a mistake in his choice of friends. It was, however, hardly an admission that he had some rather questionable characters for bosom buddies. Instead, Estrada seemed to be alluding particularly to pal Charlie 'Atong' Ang, who was then being grilled at the Senate in connection with the controversy, but most especially to Ilocos Sur Governor Luis 'Chavit' Singson, his erstwhile kumpadre who had dropped the jueteng bomb and was now calling him all sorts of things in public.

Even before Singson dragged him by his Bingo 2-Ball into the jueteng fiasco, Ang already had a reputation for being a high-stakes gambler with shady connections. Singson, for his part, has admitted readily that he is no saint, a warlord and gambler who had indulged in the many perks of power as much as any politician, including the President. But Singson and Ang were not the only friends of Estrada with less than immaculate pasts (and presents). In fact, some even had criminal records while others are now being investigated for their possible involvement in illegal activities.

To be sure, Estrada does have buddies who are not scandal-prone and have unblemished reputations. But those who have brought mostly trouble seem to far outnumber those who haven't. Then again, perhaps it was just that the shenanigans of the President's rowdier pals brought more attention.

Some of these friends were part of Estrada's "Midnight Cabinet," the nocturnal crew that kept the President company until the wee hours of the morning, having what can only be described as the ultimate boys' night out. Singson himself confirmed this Cabinet's existence, describing in some detail what would take place in "meetings" not only at the Palace, but also at the RPS Ang Pangulo yacht, and what Singson insists are but a few of the President's houses, including the infamous "Boracay" mansion in New Manila and vacation homes in Tagaytay.

Not only did some members of this Midnight Cabinet give Estrada advice, they and other Presidential pals apparently fronted for him in real property holdings and, Singson says, in a number of businesses. Singson also says that the President was aware of what some of his friends were really into. He recalls one particular evening in the sumptuous Malacañang kitchen when he found himself sandwiched between Estrada and Lucio Lao Co, an alleged smuggling lord. Singson says the President asked him, "Chavit, how does it feel to be seated between the President and a smuggler?"

AT LEAST it can be said that President Estrada does not practice discrimination in picking his friends, although it does appear that being filthy rich is one thing they all have in common. But when it comes to ethnicity, Estrada's collection of pals yields quite a variety, from the indio, to the chino, to the mestizo.

Still, some observers have wondered over the preponderance of ethnic Chinese businessmen in the Presidential clique. Experts on Chinese-Filipino affairs, however, say this is no surprise, since Estrada was a longtime mayor of San Juan, a town sometimes called "the second Chinatown" because of the presence of many wealthy Chinese families. At North Greenhills where Estrada lives, many of his neighbors are ethnic Chinese; he has even stood, wittingly, as "ninong" (godfather) to many of them, their children or grandchildren. Joseph Victor 'JV' Ejercito, said to be his favorite son, by Guia Gomez, went to the predominantly Chinese Xavier School, also in San Juan.

Word of how helpful "Pareng Erap" could be quickly spread through the Chinese-Filipino community there, and soon many businessmen from other parts of Metro Manila in search of padrinos were making his acquaintance. Estrada's stint at the Presidential Anti-Crime Commission (PACC) during the Ramos administration also endeared him to the ethnic minority, since the Commission "rescued" many Chinese-Filipinos from kidnappers.

Sinologists, meanwhile, give various reasons why Estrada himself seems to have developed a real liking for the Chinese businessmen. One, they say, is that the Chinese pose no political threat. The Chinese ask nothing in return—or at least they make it appear so.

Two, when the Chinese come into good fortune, they are also quick to share it with friends and padrinos. "Estrada likes that," says a Sinologist.

Three, the Chinese are known to be the big spenders during elections. In fact, among the biggest contributors to Estrada's presidential campaign in 1998 were ethnic Chinese. Lucio Tan is bruited about to have donated P1.5 billion to Estrada's campaign kitty, while Co is said to have given P100 million (some say P400 million).

Four, the Chinese are known to keep their word. Most Chinese would honor agreements, even those that are not written on paper.

Actually, says a Sinologist, there should be a fifth reason—that the Chinese can keep their mouths shut. While they would brag about their connections to politicos within the Chinese circle, the expert says, "they will never spill the beans to outsiders, including the media."

But there lies the difference between Estrada's Chinese businessmen-friends and those associated with previous presidents. Estrada's close Chinese pals have, uncharacteristically, drawn a lot of public attention to themselves. Unlike most ethnic Chinese businessmen, they have not remained low-key. Recall, for instance, how Lucio Tan managed to worm his way into the official picture of the Estrada Cabinet at the Pentagon.