IN GASCON'S book, Congress embodies the failure of political reform. He notes that those elected into Congress 1987 were the same people or clans that had been of the old system. "The system," he says, "(just) adapted itself in the democratic context." The consequence: a well-entrenched political elite holds sway, perpetuating itself in power through money and patronage, with the chief goal of protecting and preserving its political and business interests rather than pursuing much-needed social reforms.

	CHITO GASCON Photo by Lilen Uy

Term limits did not break the stranglehold of traditional politics. As Gascon now sees it, the limits are an "artificial mechanism to bring about some form of regular transition of power from one political force to another."

What has happened is that politicians stay in power by getting their relatives to warm their seats until they can run again. "In fact," Gascon observes, "dynasties have consolidated. You have one congressman, another relative is the mayor or the senator, and they reinforce each other." The legislators belonging to Gascon's own generation are not exempt — many are part of political families and have inherited their seats from their older kin, who in turn have gone on occupy other posts in the clan's bailiwick.

"People are not elected to positions primarily on the basis of their legislative or political agenda," he says. "The reasons for their being elected to office are often defined by the strength of political clans in the different districts of the country."

While clans are strong, parties are weak. Political parties, says the Liberal Party member, remain "alliances of conveniences." The party-list system has not been successful in transforming the congressional landscape as shrewd politicians have also exploited this initiative to cling to power, Gascon notes.

"There are no real political parties (in Congress) that articulate the agenda of reforms. It is defined or determined by leaders whose political positions change based on convenience. That's why there's no sustainability of reforms," he concludes.

Perpetually garbed in a polo barong, the bespectacled Basque mestizo looks more like an accountant than a determined political reformist. Yet not even marriage has weakened the ex-student leader's political convictions, and it is clear he is now capable of something beyond shouting slogans. He worries, though, "There's that old adage that for evil to triumph, it's enough for good men and women to do nothing. And I think that's what's happening now."

TO GASCON'S mind, the apathy that has Filipinos in a near-fatal grip can be traced to the lack of alternative leaders and the sheer difficulties of modern-day living. He also talks of a generational shift that has caused Filipinos to embrace the status quo--however ugly that may have become.

"Those of us who were politically active in the '80s, which created the core for what happened in EDSA 1, were children or students of those who were politically active in the '60s. So there was in a sense an appropriate passing of the baton and education for liberation," Gascon says. "I think we became a little too complacent when democracy was established in the mid-'80s and forgot to continue the work of political education, civic education, voter education that will create a polity of citizens."

In an attempt to fill the slack in civic education, Gascon became one of the convenors of the Black and White Movement and the Citizens for TRUTH (Transparency, Responsibility, Unity, Transformation, and Hope). Both seek to ferret out the truth behind the wiretapping controversy and are pushing a package of political, social, and economic reforms. He also heads INCITE Gov (International Center for Innovation, Transformation and Excellence in Governance), a new policy think tank established by the "Hyatt 10" to advance governance reform.

Gascon is just as busy as executive director of Libertas (Lawyers' League for Liberty), a voluntary network of lawyers pursuing reforms in the justice system. Gascon's recent experience at the education department had made him realize how ordinary people like public school teachers need legal aid but have been unable to find it.

Ultimately, the trigger for political reforms is people empowerment. His goal, he says, is to help build what he describes as an "army of reforms and reformers."

"Perhaps," muses Gascon, "we presumed too much on the part of our leaders and didn't do enough in terms of building the institutions of democracy, political accountability, and citizens' participation. What we need to focus on now is building up a constituency for change that will demand accountability now and that constituency for change will pursue reforms in politics and economics in the period of transition that is ahead."

Gascon is staying for the long haul. He says, "As my former boss in the Department of Education used to say, (the struggle for reforms) is not a hundred-meter dash, it's a marathon. We have to pace ourselves. You don't win a marathon unless you train for it, you prepare ahead of time." — Yvonne T. Chua