28 MARCH 2007
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ACTUALLY, IT'S a wonder that the Acostas have lasted this long in politics, considering their rather maverick approach toward it. In truth, Coring remains unassured of her council's loyalty this late in the game. Similarly, Neric lacks the political infrastructure that other politicos have — the mayors and barangay kapitans (chiefs) who will do the work to ensure their patron gets elected. "No one believes I actually won three terms without mayors, except for my mother," he exclaims.
BINHI was set up in 1989 by members of the Acosta family — including Coring, Juan, and Neric's aunt Nemia Bornidor — and a few other friends. Its flagship project is Bulig (Visayan for "help") a district-wide microlending program patterned after a pioneering initiative in Bangladesh called Grameen Bank. Bulig now has some 7,000 beneficiaries, most of whom are wives of poor farmers. Its loan portfolio is estimated at P18.7 million. Poverty remains significant in Bukidnon, where incomes are substantially low in the traditional forms of agriculture that dominate in the province. The Research Institute for Mindanao Culture also says that the seasonal nature of farm work "leaves much of the labor force without employment for a substantial part of the year." Neric was Bulig's project director for three years before he entered Congress, and he continues to be an advisor. In the Grameen approach, membership in an organization is a prerequisite for credit. This requirement therefore enables the NGO to establish a long-term relationship with beneficiaries. Coring herself calls BINHI their "strong base"; the women become their political machinery, their "foot soldiers." She adds that while BINHI members are told not to "mix yourselves in politics," eventually they would retort, "'My God, Ma'am, we have to volunteer!'" Felix Cagande, who has worked on the Bulig program since 1991, sees it this way: "Bulig was the first NGO that went to the barangays. Before there wasn't an NGO like Bulig. When the people saw they could take out loans to buy carabaos, to buy pigs that they could then raise and sell…a sense of gratitude (was created)." IPD's Patiño agrees, saying, "If they're hungry and you feed them, they will appreciate you. They (the Acostas) were able to provide livelihood to people in need. Filipinos know how to repay debts of gratitude." Patiño hazards to add that unlike typical politicos, the Acostas have maintained a "socially organized capital" in the form of the microlending NGO. Being organized, Patiño says, it is more sustainable "than, say, doleout or pork barrel." Official documents show, however, that the younger Acosta recognizes the importance of those discretionary funds in his role as district representative. Between 2003 and 2005, Neric allocated two-thirds of his P20-million-a-year Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) to "priority programs and projects" of Manolo Fortich town. With 22 barangays, Manolo Fortich is one of the two biggest municipalities among the eight in Neric's turf. The Bukidnon Crusade Against Crime and Corruption (BCACC) says that Neric Acosta also used part of his pork-barrel funds in 2002 to finance BINHI, with the Manolo Fortich mayor's office as conduit. BCACC filed a graft case against Neric, Coring, Juan, and Bornidor in 2004 at the Ombudsman. The case refers to BINHI as the Acostas' "lending company." Neric says the case is merely a political demolition campaign; the Acostas think Governor Zubiri is behind it. But while BCACC head Fr. Venancio Balansag Jr. says his sister is married to a nephew of the governor, he insists that his group has always "rallied against corruption" and that it has filed other graft cases against other Bukidnon officials. He adds that BCACC once organized a rally against Migz Zubiri, who had taken a position in favor of the use of genetically modified corn. Joe Zubiri for his part admits the BCACC lawyer is also one of his own. He says, though, "I had nothing to do with the filing (of the graft case)." The Office of the Ombudsman denied PCIJ's request for copies of documents submitted by BCACC. But in an interview with PCIJ, the Acostas' lawyer, Elmer de la Rosa, says the Manolo Fortich municipal government "did what it is legally allowed to do," which is to source funds for BINHI. De la Rosa says the town council gave Mayor Coring "concurrence" on the use of the funds from Congressman Neric's pork barrel. At that time, de la Rosa says, the vice mayor and the rest of the Sanggunian were still allied with Mayor Coring. In this country, a province could be too small to accommodate more than one power clan.
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