By Vino Lucero

WEEKS after balloting day last May 9, the campaign posters and stickers of some candidates remain, a clutter of messy memories on the walls, lamp posts, and electric wires of the city.

A photo-walk session over the weekend on the streets of Krus na Ligas, Teachers Village, and UP Village in Diliman, Quezon City, painted this ugly picture of uncleared debris after the vote.

And while the campaign teams of some candidates have launched their respective clean-up drives, the burden of cleaning the city of election garbage has fallen largely on the shoulders of lowly garbage collectors.

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Posters of presidential candidates Jejomar Binay and Grace Poe and Quezon City’s fourth district councilor candidate Al Flores still hang from an electric post along Mapagkawanggawa Street.

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The roof of this waiting shed along CP Garcia Avenue bears the face of presumptive president Rodrigo Duterte.

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The images of Raquel Malañgen and Irene Belmonte, both councilor candidates in the fourth district of Quezon City, spring from electric wires in Krus na Ligas.

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Weeks after festivities in Krus na Ligas and the elections, banderitas and posters of local candidates offer an eccentric mix of draperies.

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Campaign posters hang below a “Thank You” sign in Krus na Ligas, sending a somewhat subliminal message to voters.

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Some effort has been exerted to remove some campaign stickers of certain candidates yet still, the food strip of Maginhawa Street bears witness to the unfinished task.

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Light to heavy rain in recent days have soiled some unremoved campaign posters.

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This barangay security post along Matimtiman Street remains a virtual bulletin board for the posters of local candidates, weeks after election day.

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Village gates have turned into a show window of campaign paraphernalia.

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Clean up the city of campaign posters? Some party-list groups have failed in this task.

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An electric post on Matimtiman Street in UP Village still hosts the images of Marra Suntay, 2016 candidate for councilor in Quezon City, and Bong Suntay, a candidate in previous election.

 

 

 

Here’s the full statement of the Free Legal Assistance Group (FLAG) in response to the proposition of president-elect Rodrigo Duterte to reimpose death penalty and adapt a “shoot-to-kill”policy in his war against crime.

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FLAG Statement p-3

FLAG Statement p-4

 

By Davinci S. Maru

MILLIONS of Filipino voters cast their ballots today to elect a new president and 18,000 other elective positions. These are scenes from the voting day in Batasan Hills, Quezon City.

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By Rowena F. Caronan
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ. Clans, 6 Vote-Rich Provinces, may 2016

LOCAL POLITICAL families, not political parties, are important to national politicians as they mobilize electoral support, says political scientist Julio C. Teehankee. National officials, he explains, typically have strong provincial base. They draw on support from well-entrenched networks of local political families, who often change party affiliations to secure state resources and patronage.

Of 68 recurring family names in six vote-rich provinces, or those with at least eight electoral victories in the last 24 years, at least 14 are affiliated with or have declared support for the Liberal Party (LP) of President Benigno S. Aquino III. The opposition equally has the backing of 14 other families, whereas the rest have unclear affiliation.

From the 1992 to the 2013 elections, these 68 families have won 879 or 20 percent of the combined 4,121 seats in their localities, excluding the city or municipal positions, in Cebu, Cavite, Pangasinan, Laguna, Negros Occidental, and Davao del Sur.

With a total of 10.86 million voters, these provinces can already make or break one national candidate’s electoral bid.

National-local grids

Cebu and Cavite are considered opposition bailiwicks, while Davao del Sur is to the Dutertes and Negros Occidental to the Roxases.

Pangasinan in the far north is part of the solid north bloc of the late strongman Ferdinand E. Marcos that remains a formidable force to reckon with. Laguna, which is a recipient of the continuous urban expansion of Metro Manila, has a mixed political-party landscape.

In 2013, Negros Occidental, Pangasinan, and Cebu were among the provinces with high voter turnout rates at 81.5 percent, 81.4 percent, and 80.8 percent, respectively, or within the national average of 81.2 percent. Laguna (72 percent), Cavite (67 percent), and Davao del Sur (64.3 percent) posted lower voter turnouts.

The political families that have declared support for the candidacy of LP’s standard-bearer Manuel ‘Mar’ A. Roxas III include the Gullases of Cebu, Barzagas and Abayas of Cavite, and Maranons, Ferrers, Escalantes of Negros Occidental.

Although Eduardo ‘Danding’ Cojuangco Jr.’s Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) is backing Senator Grace Poe’s bid for the presidency, its members and political stalwarts in Negros Occidental and Pangasinan have been allowed to choose who to endorse. Poe also enjoys the support of the Duranos of Cebu, Revillas of Cavite, and incumbent Manila Mayor Joseph Ejercito Estrada, whose clan dominate the mayoral race in San Juan City and Pagsanjan, Laguna.

Those endorsing the candidacy of United Nationalist Alliance’s (UNA’s) standard-bearer Vice President Jejomar ‘Jojo’ C. Binay are the Ramas of Cebu and Remullas of Cavite. Recently, however, Cavite Governor Juanito Victor ‘Jonvic’ Remulla, erstwhile spokesperson of Binay, jumped shipped to the camp of the current presidential frontrunner, Davao City Mayor Rodrigo ‘Digong’ R. Duterte of Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban).

Duterte has also drawn support from the Garcias of Cebu and former Senator Edgardo J. Angara’s Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP). The Angara family is a political clan in the province of Aurora in Central Luzon, but it is not only a vote-poor province with only 126,525,000 voters, but also has a lower voter turnout — just 75.7 percent in 2013.

THE CLANS OF CEBU

PCIJ. Cebu Top clans, may 2016

Cebu has remained on top of the list of provinces with the highest number of voters with 2,722,288 or nearly half of the 6.3 million in Metro Manila, a region of 16 cities and one municipality. Too, Cebu is the center of economic trade in the Visayas, where the bustling metropolitan Cebu City is located. In 2014, Cebu posted the highest financial capacity among the provinces with P28-billion equity, or the difference between the amounts of assets and liabilities of local government units.

Over the last 24 years, majority of Cebu’s 1,021 elected officials, excluding the town council members, had run under LP’s rival parties such as the LDP and Lakas, including LAKAS-Christian Muslim Democrats (LKS-CMD) and LAKAS-Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (LKS-KAM).

Regional and provincial political parties in Cebu rarely coalesced with the LP. Aside from the LDP and Lakas, they were often associated instead with the Nacionalista Party (NP), NPC, and UNA. (UNA’s earlier name was United Opposition or UNO.)

In Cebu’s local elections from 1992 to 2013, 14 clans each have had members elected at least 10 times to a variety of seats: congressional, gubernatorial, mayoral, and vice mayoral. The Duranos had 57 electoral victories in the fifth congressional district, Danao City, and towns of Samboan and Sogod. Next to the Duranos are:

• the Martinezes with 20 in the fourth district, Bogo City, and San Remigio;
• the Garcias with 18 in the second and third districts and gubernatorial races;
• the Yaphas with 17 in the third district and Pinamungahan;
• the Ramas with 14 in Cebu City and Poro;
• the Abineses with 13 in the second district, vice gubernatorial races, and Oslob and Santander;
• the Binghays with 12 in Balamban;
• the Fernandezes with 11 in Talisay City and Pilar;
• and 10 each for the Osmenas in the third district and Cebu City, the Creuses in Malabuyoc, the Radazas in Lapu-Lapu City and its lone district, the Wenceslaos in Santander, the Bacaltoses in Sibonga, and the Arquillanos in San Francisco.

These families have controlled Cebu’s influential political parties at the provincial level, including the Bando Osmeña Pundok Kauswagan (BOPK) and Probinsya Muna Development Initiative (PROMDI) of the Osmeñas, Alang sa Kalambuan ug Kalinaw (ALAYON) led by the Gullases in the first district, and Partido Panaghiusa led by the Ramas. Its two leading provincial parties in the last three elections, from 2007 to 2013, were the Barug Alang sa Kauswagan ug Demokrasya (BAKUD) formed by the Duranos in 2001, and One Cebu party, by the Garcias in 2007.

The Durano-led Bakud party supported former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s Lakas party in 2010. It shifted alliance to NPC and, in 2013, joined the LP coalition. At the time, the feuding family had siblings running for the same position under different political affiliations. In the 2016 polls, though, there are no family members up against each other. But instead of LP’s standard-bearer Roxas and their distant relative, PDP-Laban’s Duterte, the family is supporting Poe largely because a member of the family, Joseph Felix Mari ‘Ace’ H. Durano, serves as one of her campaign managers. Ace Durano is the nephew of Duterte. His father, Danao City Mayor Ramon ‘Nito’ D. Durano III, and the Davao City mayor are second-degree cousins.

The Duranos used to be long-time allies of the Garcias, who were affiliated with the Lakas party in 2010 and UNA in 2013. The two broke ties in 2013 when the Duranos supported the candidacy of LP’s gubernatorial bet, Hilario Davide III, who was running against a Garcia. Last month, the Garcia-led One Cebu party formally declared its support for Duterte and vowed to deliver a one-million vote difference. One Cebu claimed to have dropped its alliance with UNA because, it said, the latter lacked appreciation and reciprocation of One Cebu’s loyalty.

Of the other 12 prominent families in Cebu’s political scene, only the Martinezes, Yaphas, Wenceslaos, and Osmenas fielded candidates under the LP in 2013. The Ramas, Fernandezes, and Arquillanos ran under the Bakud party and UNA. The Binghays and Creuses were associated with One Cebu party, while the Bacaltoses were with the NP and the Radazas with the Lakas party. The Abineses were last elected in 2004 under the Lakas party.

In the 2016 polls, members of the Martinez, Yapha, Wenceslao, and Radaza families are running under the LP. The Gullas-led Alayon also showed support for Roxas, but maintained its support for fellow NP members Senators Alan Peter S. Cayetano, Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ R. Marcos Jr., and Antonio ‘Sonny’ F. Trillanes IV, who all are vying for the vice presidential position.

THE CLANS OF CAVITE

PCIJ. Cavite Top clans, may 2016

Cavite comes second on the list of provinces with the highest number of voters with 1,843,163 or three percent of the country’s voting population. It is one of the least-poor province with only 4.1-percent poverty incidence rate in 2012.

Since 1992, the Cavitenos have elected a total of 504 local officials. A quarter or 127 of them ran under the Lakas party, whereas 120 were affiliated with the Partido Magdalo (PM), a provincial party founded and built by the province’s longest running governor, Juanito Remulla. PM allied itself with the LDP in 1992 and 2004, Estrada’s Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP) in 1998 when he ran for president, and Lakas party in 2013. A significant number of its elected officials were members of NP.

LP, meanwhile, has garnered 91 electoral victories in Cavite so far, 78 of which were attained in the last three elections, from 2007 to 2013. Most of these were victories of members of the Abaya, Arayata, Loyola, Aguinaldo, Maliksi, Tolentino, and Campaña families who were elected at least three times each in the last eight elections.

These families are part of the 13 different clans that have a minimum of eight electoral victories each in the province. Over a quarter or 132 of Cavite’s total elected officials belong to these clans. The Arayatas and Remullas topped the Comelec list of candidates with each having 14 electoral posts in the last two decades. The Arayatas dominated the politics of the town of Tanza, whereas “Remulla” was a regular name in the second and third congressional districts as well as gubernatorial races.

Next are the Tolentinos with 13 winning candidates in Tagaytay City’s local polls. The Maliksis and Aguinaldos had 11 each in Imus City and the town of Kawit, respectively. Apart from national positions, members of the Revilla family won 10 electoral posts in the second congressional district, Bacoor City, and the province’s vice gubernatorial races. (The “Revillas” are actually Bautistas. “Revilla” is the screen surname used by members of the clan who are active in showbiz, who include Cavite 2nd District Rep. Lani Mercado, wife of Senator Ramon ‘Bong’ Revilla Jr. Mercado, whose real name is Jesusa H. Bautista, is running for mayor of Bacoor.)

The Barzagas (in the second and fourth districts and Dasmarinas City), Ferrers (in the sixth district and the town of General Trias), and Loyolas (in the fifth district and the town of Carmona) follow with nine electoral wins. Then come the Abayas in the first district, Campañas in the town of General Trias, Nazarenos in the town of Naic, and del Rosarios in the town of Tanza had eight wins each.

In 2013, 10 of these 13 families were affiliated with the LP. Only the Remullas, Revillas, and Nazarenos remained staunchly with the opposition.

The Lakas party of Bong Revilla, who claimed to have been detained since 2014 on plunder and graft charges because of his plan to run for the 2016 presidential race, endorsed the vice presidential candidacy of Marcos. The party, however, failed to reach a consensus on who to endorse in the presidential race. Thus, members are split among Binay, Duterte, and Poe. The Revillas alone are supporting Poe.

Among the 10 recurring family names in the Cavite political scene, the Abayas were the longest members of LP, having been affiliated with the party since 2001. The Arayatas, Aguinaldos, Campañas, del Rosarios, and Maliksis used to be members of LDP and PM, but they became LP converts in 2007. The Tolentinos and Loyolas had run under the Lakas Party, and then switched to LP in 2010. In 2013, the Barzagas and Ferrers joined the National Unity Party (NUP), which was part of the LP-led coalition.

Aquino appointed Francis N. Tolentino as head of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA) in 2010, and Joseph Emilio Abaya as secretary of Department of Transportation and Communications (DOTC) in 2012. Tolentino is seeking a Senate seat in the 2016 elections and declared his support for Duterte’s presidential bid. He is not running under the banner of the LP, but his brother is.

THE CLANS OF PANGASINAN

PCIJ.Pangasinan Top clans, may 2016

Pangasinan is home to the third largest voting population of 1,705,260 and makes up half of Ilocos region’s population. It is among the richest provinces in 2014 with a P4.23-billion equity, which compares with that of highly urbanized cities of Marikina, Calamba in Laguna, and Cagayan de Oro in Misamis Oriental.

Since 1992, nearly half or 426 of Pangasinan’s 922 elected officials, excluding city/municipal councilors, were affiliated with the Lakas party. Others ran under the NPC and its allies (211), the LDP (63), LP (40), LAMMP (23), Partido para sa Demokratikong Reporma or REPORMA (15), Estrada’s Pwersa ng Masang Pilipino or PMP (7), and UNA (4). Many, too, were independent candidates (53).

All 14 prominent families that have dominated Pangasinense politics have been affiliated with the Lakas party and NPC of Cojuangco, a Pangasinense political kingpin whose wife belongs to the Oppen political family of Negros Occidental. Among the 14 clans are the Perezes with 22 electoral victories, the Celestes with 19, the Espinos and Reyeses with 17 each, the Sorianos with 15, the Villars with 14, the Resuellos and de Veras with 12 each, the Calimlims, Rosetes, and de Guzmans with 11 each, and the Agbayanis and Peraltas with 10 each.

The Perezes turn up frequently on Comelec’s list of candidates in Pangasinan’s Urdaneta City and the town of San Manuel, as well as in its fifth congressional district, where they fight for dominance against the Cojuangcos. The Celeste family name often shows up in Bolinao’s political scene; the Espinos, in the second district, gubernatorial races, and the town of Bautista; the Reyeses, in the towns of Mabini and San Quintin; the Resuellos, in San Carlos City; and Calimlims, in the town of Mapandan.

In the 2016 elections, the Espinos and Calimlims of the Aksyon Demokratiko (Aksyon) declared their support for Roxas. Their former ally, former Pangasinan fifth district Congressman Mark Cojuangco, has pledged support for Roxas’s rival, Binay, defying his father’s and NPC’s decision to endorse Poe. Both Espinos and Cojuangcos, however, are supporting the vice presidential bid of Marcos. Meanwhile, the Perezes, Peraltas, and Celestes are allied with the NPC, but it remains unclear whose candidacy they support.

THE CLANS OF LAGUNA

PCIJ. Laguna Top clans, may 2016

Laguna is fourth on the list of provinces with the most number of registered voters with 1,675,366 voters. Laguna’s economy is a mix of industrial, largely boosted by nearby Metro Manila, and agricultural activities in distant areas.

Laguna’s 608 elected officials from 1992 to 2013 were also a mix of several family names affiliated with national political parties such as the Lakas Party (227), LDP (103), LP (49), UNA (40), NPC (39), and NP (28), among others. In 2013, 29 of Laguna’s elected officials ran under the UNA banner; 23 were with the LP; and 17, with the NP.

Only six clans had at least eight electoral victories each in Laguna: The Chipecos won 11 times in total in the second congressional district and Calamba City’s mayoral seats. The Perezes were elected eight times as mayor of the cities of Los Banos and Binan. Eight electoral victories were also enjoyed by the San Luises in the fourth congressional district, provincial seats, and the town of Santa Cruz; the Buesers in the third district and the city of San Pablo and town of Alaminos; the Ramoses in the town of Bay; and the Sanchezes in Calauan City and town of Pakil.

The Ejercito clan, which traces its roots in Laguna, had a total of seven electoral victories in the town of Pagsanjan and gubernatorial positions. Other members of the clan dominate the politics of San Juan City in Metro Manila, where former ousted President and now Manila Mayor Joseph Estrada began his political career. Estrada is endorsing the candidacy of Poe, daughter of his long-time friend, the movie king Fernando Poe. Jr. The latter also ran for president in 2004 but lost.

THE CLANS OF NEGROS OCCIDENTAL

PCIJ. Negros Occidental Top Clans,  may 2016

Negros Occidental, the country’s major sugar producer, is the fifth most vote-rich province with 1,663,492 registered voters. Both presidential aspirants Roxas and Poe have significant ties to the province. Roxas traces his maternal roots in Bago City, while Poe’s adoptive mother hails from Bacolod City.

For years, several of the province’s 674 elected officials were members of the NPC and the former ruling Lakas party. A third or more of the 83 to 85 local officials belong to either of these two parties. In 2013, however, several of them joined the LP and supported the LP-led coalition. NPC also allied with the LP at the time.

News reports have quoted local NPC members as saying that the NPC national leadership have allowed them to choose who to support in the 2016 presidential candidates, although the NPC has declared that it is backing Poe’s presidential candidacy.

The Marañons, Ferrers, Escalantes, and Zaycos are among the province’s prominent families that have shown support for Roxas’s presidential bid in 2016. The Maranñons dominate the second congressional district and Sagay City as well as the gubernatorial races in the last two decades with 19 electoral victories. The Ferrers are powerful in the fourth district and in La Carlota City. The Escalantes, meanwhile, reign in the city of Cadiz and town of Manapala, and were elected 13 times. The Zaycos obtained 14 electoral posts in Kabankalan City’s 24 years of election.

Nine other families frequently pop up in Comelec’s list of candidates in Negros Occidental. They are the Lacsons who have won 25 electoral posts in the province’s third congressional district and gubernatorial races as well as in San Carlos City and the towns of Murcia and Enrique B. Magalona. Other families include the Alvarezes in the sixth district and town of Ilog with 17 electoral wins; the Yulos in the fifth district, Bago City, and town of Binalbagan with 15 wins; the Lizareses in Talisay City, Palancas in Victorias City, and Toreses in Bago City with 11 wins each; and the Montillas in Sipalay City and Garcias in the town of Moises Padilla with 10 wins each.

THE CLANS OF DAVAO DEL SUR

PCIJ. Davao del Sur Top clans, may 2016

Davao del Sur down south ranks as the 12th most vote-rich province in the Philippines and the first in Mindanao region with 1,247,362 voters. Its center, Davao City, is Duterte’s bailiwick where he has served as an elected official for more than two decades. Members of the Duterte clan have chalked up a total of 11 electoral victories from 1992 to 2013.

Since 2010, the Dutertes had run under the LP, which has fielded Roxas for the 2016 presidential race. Duterte at first had resisted calls for him to run for president. When he finally decided in December 2015 to enter the race, he obtained support from PDP-Laban and former Senator Manuel B. Villar’s NP. No political clan in Davao del Sur was affiliated with the PDP-Laban in 2013, but two of the province’s nine enduring political clans, which won at least 10 electoral posts in the last eight elections, ran under the NP.

The Cagases, who dominate the province’s first congressional district and won twice in the gubernatorial races, used to be with the Lakas party; they had been with the NP since 2010. The Mariscals of the town of Santa Maria were affiliated with the Lakas party from 1992 to 1998, and with the NPC from 2001 to 2010. They became NP converts in 2013.

Two other political clans were affiliated with the LP in 2013. The Bautistas of the province’s second congressional district and town of Malita ran under the NPC and Lakas from 1992 to 2010. In 2013, they shifted alliance to the LP. The Garcias, which remained unseated in the first congressional district of Davao City, were affiliated with the NPC in 1992 and from 2001 to 2010; they joined the LP in 2013.

Another two of the nine ran under the NPC in 2013. The Lopezes, which won 14 electoral posts in the third congressional district of Davao City and town of Santa Cruz, have frequently changed affiliations from the PMP to the Lakas party, and then to the NPC in 2013. The Latasas of Digos City had been with the NPC since 1992. The Colinas ran under the Lakas party from 1992 to 1998, and then shifted alliance to NPC from 2001 to 2007. They returned to the Lakas party in 2010, and then moved again to NPC in 2013.

Only the Camineros of the town Kiblawan, who were previously affiliated with the Lakas party and NPC, joined Binay’s UNA in 2013.— PCIJ, May 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online

By Rowena F. Caronan
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ Top Clans pol parties, may 2016

THROUGHOUT THE 24 years of elections in the Philippines’s 20 provinces with the most number of registered voters, family names on the ballots seem to keep repeating themselves, the same ones popping up over and over again. It’s a situation that goes against the equal access to opportunities for public service guaranteed by the 1987 Constitution. Then again, the Charter also talks about prohibiting political dynasties “as may be defined by law,” but just look where we are now.

Based on the list of candidates from the 1992 to 2013 elections from the Commission on Elections (Comelec), about 10,000 persons had repeatedly occupied 17,673 elective posts in six of the nation’s 20 vote-rich provinces. They have held positions of power from the local level to the halls of Congress simply by belonging to political clans that have continued to hold sway over communities large and small across the country for the last quarter of a century.

Various members of these political clans that litter Comelec’s list often take the same positions again and again. Members of a clan are also usually elected all at the same time for different posts. It is also not uncommon to see members of the same family fighting against each other in an electoral race.

A few members of these families have even found their way to a political career through barangay elections, or turned to barangay positions after failed local bids. This has been a common practice, despite barangay officials supposedly being non-partisan in nature. A number of them have also managed to install their members to national positions, including the highest one that enabled their family to wield power from within the Palace along the Pasig River.

PCIJ analyzed Comelec’s data on the list of candidates in six of the 20 vote-rich provinces from the 1992 elections. These six have a combined voters’ strength of 10.86 million or 20 percent of the latest count of total registered voters of 55.7 million.

The Comelec data showed at least 101 different family names that are each tied to at least eight electoral successes in the last eight elections, excluding the town council seats. These family names are shared and carried by as many as 1,159 elected officials.

The top 10 most recurring family names in the Comelec’s list of candidates, or those that have more than four members who won their electoral contests and have at least 17 electoral victories over the last eight elections, include the following:

• Durano, Garcia, Martinez, and Yapha in Cebu in central Visayas, which is home to five percent of the country’s voting population and has an economy trailing that of Metro Manila;
• Celeste, Espino, and Perez in Pangasinan in northern Luzon, which is the richest province in Ilocos region;
• Alvarez, Lacson, and Maranon in Negros Occidental in the newly created Negros Island region with the highly urbanized city of Bacolod as the center; and
• Bautista in Davao del Sur in the southeastern part of Mindanao.

PCIJ.Cebu pol parties, may 2016

Duranos top ’em all

Among the six provinces, the Duranos emerged as having the most electoral wins: 57 from the 1992 to 2013 polls. The Duranos were followed by the Lacson family with 25, the Bautistas and Perezes with 22, the Martinezes with 20; the Celestes and Maranons with 19; the Garcias with 18; and the Alvarezes, Espinos, and Yaphas with 17.

An average of seven Durano members has simultaneously won at the congressional and provincial elections as well as in Danao City and the towns of Samboan and Sogod.

In the 2013 elections, 10 Duranos won their electoral contests. Thus far, this is the highest number a political clan in Cebu has achieved in a single poll in the last two decades. Such number could be next to the record set by the Ampatuans of Mindanao who enjoyed at least 15 electoral victories in 2013 despite being implicated in the country’s worst electoral violence yet in 2009.

Danao City and the rest of Cebu’s fifth congressional district have remained the Durano’s family territory in which they have held onto their seats consistently for 24 years. The fifth district is home to 12 percent of Cebu’s voters. Danao City is a third-class city, but ranks sixth based on the number voters among Cebu’s 53 cities and municipalities.

Ramon ‘Nito’ Durano III and his sons Joseph Felix Mari or Ace and Ramon VI or Red have taken turns sitting in Congress since 1992. Ace is the incumbent congressman of Cebu’s 5th District, while Nito is currently serving as mayor of Danao City. The mayoral seat was previously held by Nito’s brother Jesus and nephew Ramon IV.

Nito’s other siblings and their children are also in politics, including Beatriz, Thaddeus, Ramon Jr., and Rose Marie. Rose Marie and Beatriz married into significant political clans in the northern and southern Cebu towns. Rose Marie’s husband, Celestino Sybico, hails from Balamban; Beatriz’s spouse Emerito Calderon is from Samboan. Vicente T. Pimentel Jr., brother-in-law of Nito’s wife, is also a politician from Carrascal, Surigao del Sur. The Duranos’ third-generation politicians who appeared frequently as well on Comelec’s list are Beatriz’s sons Raymond Joseph and Emerito Jr. Calderon; Lydia’s son Oscar D. Rodriguez Jr.; Thaddeus’s daughter Lissa Marie D. Streegan; Ramon Jr.’s son Ramon IV; Nito’s children Ace, Red, Thomas Mark, and Carmen Remedios D. Meca; Jesus’s son Ramon V; and Rose Marie’s son Jude Thaddeus Sybico. The Duranos are cousins to Cebu Vice Governor Agnes Magpale, who is also related to the Almendrases of Cebu.

PCIJ Negros Occidental pol parties, may 2016

With 25 electoral wins, the Lacsons of Negros Occidental are next to the Duranos in the highest number of electoral victories over the last 24 years. Four incumbent officials belong to the Lacson clan, including Jose Carlos Lacson, Andrew Montelibano, Eugenio Jose Lacson, and Ernest Lacson Jr. They have been elected in the province’s third congressional district and in the local offices of San Carlos City and the town of Murcia. San Carlos City is a second-class city, whereas Murcia is a first-class municipality.

Bautistas, Perezes next

The Bautistas of Davao del Sur and Perezes of Pangasinan come next with 22 electoral victories each.

Five Bautistas occupy various posts in the second district of Davao del Sur, as well as the mayoral seat of Malita town. Malita, a first-class municipality, is now the capital of newly created province of Davao Occidental. The Bautistas were also present at the provincial level with two members of the clan both once elected as governor. One of the two was also elected as vice governor, the other as member of the provincial council.

Benjamin Bautista Sr. is the late clan patriarch. He was Malita mayor in the 1960s and served as Davao del Sur 2nd District representative from 1987 to 1998. His son Franklin took over his seat in Congress, occupying it from 1998 to 2001 and then from 2007 to 2013. Franklin also replaced Benjamin as Malita mayor from 1992 to 1998 and 2001 to 2007. Another of Benjamin’s sons, Claude, entered politics in 1995 and was elected as member of the provincial council. Claude replaced his brother as Malita mayor in 1998 and as congressman in 2001 and 2004. Claude became the second Bautista to be elected governor in 2013.

PCIJ Davao del Sur pol parties, may 2016

Meanwhile, the Comelec data yielded two Perez families in Pangasinan. One family includes brothers Amadeo Jr. and Eduardo; Amadeo’s son, Amadeo Gregorio IV and Jose Angelo; and nephew Antonino and niece Rosary Gracia P. del Val. These Perezes have actively participated in Urdaneta City’s local politics since 1992, serving in Pangasinan’s fifth congressional district and Urdaneta City’s mayoral office. Urdaneta, a second-class city, is third in most number of voters among Pangasinan’s 48 towns.

In 2010, Eduardo ran in the barangay elections when he lost his bid for a seat in the council. Two of Amadeo’s sons also began their political careers as barangay captains. Amadeo Gregorio IV was the president of the Association of Barangay Captains and Jose Angelo, head of Barangay Anonas. Amadeo Gregorio IV later replaced his father as mayor.

The second set of Perezes rules the town of San Manuel, a first-class municipality that has a voting population that is only a third of Urdaneta City’s. This family has as politicians Salvador and his three children Alain Jerico, Salvador Jr., and Sheila Marie; and Salvador’s nephew, Pancho Jr.

PCIJ. Pangasinan pol parties, may 2016

The family has remained unseated in the mayoral seat of San Manuel since 1992, except from 1998 to 2001. Salvador served as mayor from 1992 to 1998 and 2001 to 2010. His brother Pancho had taken a shot at being mayor in 1998, but lost in the polls. He is succeeded in 2010 by his son Alain Jerico, who held the vice mayoral seat from 2007 to 2010. Then Salvador also assumed his son’s vice mayoral seat from 2010 to present. Other members of the family were elected as councilors, including Salvador Jr. (2010 to 2013) and Sheila and Pancho Jr. (2013 to 2016.)

Martinezes, Celestes, Marañons

The Martinezes of Cebu, meanwhile, have had 20 electoral victories from 1992 to 2013. At least six Martinezes have been elected into office, representing Cebu’s 4th District from 1992 to 2007 and occupying the mayoral offices of Bogo City and the town of San Remigio from 2001 to present. Bogo city is a sixth-class city, whereas San Remigio is a third-class town.

Among the Martinezes is Celestino Jr. who served in Congress from 1992 to 1998 and as Bogo City mayor from 2007 to present. His wife Clavel took over his seat in Congress from 1998 to 2007, and their son Celestino III served as mayor of Bogo City from 2001 to 2007.

Next with 19 electoral victories each are the Celestes of Pangasinan and Marañons of Negros Occidental.

Eight members of the Celeste family have served in Congress and in the local offices of the fourth-class city of Alaminos and the first-class municipality of Bolinao. Bolinao’s mayoral seat has been held consecutively by siblings Jesus, Alfonso, and Arnold since 1995. Jesus served from 1995 to 2001; Alfonso, from 2001 to 2010; and Arnold, from 2013 to 2016.

Jesus was elected in 2010 and 2013 as congressman in Pangasinan’s first district, replacing his brother Arthur, who held the same position from 2001 to 2010. In 2013, Arthur was elected mayor of Alaminos City. Another sibling George served as Bolinao councilor from 1998 to 2007 and 2010 to present. A cousin, also named George, is currently in his last term as councilor.

At the barangay level, another Celeste cousin Romeo was barangay captain of Barangay Germinal in Bolinao from 2010 to 2013. Arthur’s daughter Kazel was president of Sangguniang Kabataan Provincial Federation from 2007 to 2010.

PCIJ.Laguna pol parties, may 2016
The Marañons, for their part, dominated the politics of Negros Occidental’s second district and the third- class city of Sagay. Members of the clan were also elected four times as governor of the province.

In 1992, Joseph Marañon was elected mayor of Sagay City. He was re-elected in 1995 and 1998 before he secured the gubernatorial seat in 2001; he held to the provincial post for three terms. His brother Alfredo was congressman from 1995 to 2004, Sagay City mayor from 2007 to 2010, and governor from 2010 to 2013.

Alfredo III replaced his father Alfredo in Congress and served from 2004 to 2010. He also assumed the mayoral seat in 2010; he was elected for a second term in 2013. A nephew, Leo Rafael Cueva, took over as Negros Occidental 2nd District Representative in 2013.

Garcias, Yaphas, Alvarezes

Then there are the Garcias of Cebu, with 18 electoral victories. Leading the Garcia clan is patriarch Pablo Sr., who served as Cebu’s three-term governor from 1995 to 2004. He was also congressman in the province’s third district from 1987 to 1995 and in the second district from 2007 to 2013. His daughter Gwendolyn or Gwen succeeded him in the provincial capitol and completed her third consecutive three-year term in 2013. Gwendolyn then assumed the congressional seat her brother, Pablo John, held from 2007 to 2013 in the third district. Pablo Sr.’s other sons, Marlon and Nelson Gamaliel, took local posts in the towns of Barili and Dumanjug, where they served, respectively, as vice mayor and mayor. Winston, another of Pablo’s sons, was Cebu provincial board member from 1992 to 1995.

Last on the top 10 list of families with the most electoral wins are the Alvarezes, Espinos, and Yaphas, all of whom have 17 electoral victories each.

The Yaphas of Cebu rule the province’s third district and second-class town of Pinamungahan. The family consists of Antonio Jr., his wife Estrella, and children, Geraldine and Jeffrey. At present, however, only Antonio Jr. is in public office, serving as vice mayor of Toledo City.

In Negros Occidental are five elected Alvarezes, including Genaro Jr., his wife Mercedes, sons Genaro Rafael III and John Paul, and daughter-in-law Joyce. The family has simultaneously held electoral posts in the province’s sixth congressional district and the second-class town of Ilog. Genaro Jr. was provincial board member from 1992 to 1995. He served in Congress from 1995 to 2004 and 2007 to 2010. He then won the vice gubernatorial race in the 2010 elections. He was succeeded by his son Genaro Rafael III in Congress from 2004 to 2007, and by his wife from 2010 to present. Another son, John Paul, was Ilog’s mayor from 1998 to 2007 and from 2010 to 2013. John Paul’s wife Joyce took over the mayoral seat from 2007 to 2013.

PCIJ.Cavite pol parties, may 2016

In Pangasinan, the Espino name comes up frequently in the politics of the province’s second district and poor town of Bautista.

The political Espinos include siblings Amado Jr., Amadeo, and Jose. Amado Jr.’s sons, Amado III and Jumel Anthony, and Jose’s son Joseph. Nephews Armando and Joshua and niece Nerissa are also politicians. The family has remained firmly on the mayoral seat of Bautista town since 1995, the post occupied first by Jose and then Amado III. Amadeo took over the position later. – PCIJ, May 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online

By The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ’s Wealth Check Reports on the Candidates for President:

* JEJOMAR BINAY, United Nationalist Alliance
* MIRIAM DEFENSOR-SANTIAGO, People’s Reform Party
* RODRIGO DUTERTE, PDP-Laban
* GRACE POE, Galing at Puso
* MANUEL ROXAS II, Liberal Party

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THEY ARE MULTIMILLIONAIRES, affluent and ambitious to the last.

On Monday, May 9, Filipinos will get to pick one among them to be president, and another to be vice president, of the nation.

The candidates themselves have tried to make it easier for voters to choose. Months ahead of the official campaign period, for instance, four of the five candidates for president and five of the six for vice president rolled out multibillion pesos worth of television ads to win the favor of the 55.7-million registered Filipino voters at home and overseas.

That kind of spending, of course, is alien to majority of Filipino voters. Strapped by a lack of choices and resources, most Filipinos are so unlike the candidates who are invariably awash in wealth, status, and perks.

Politics is writ in riddles, indeed. Why, for instance, should class wish to serve mass for a pittance? And a pittance it is, even with the salary standardization law that passed this year raising the President’s monthly salary to P400,000.

That adjustment in pay takes effect in the next administration. Until then, the country’s chief executive’s lawful monthly pay remains at about P120,000 before tax, or multiplied by 13 months, P1.56 million a year. That adds up to at most P9.36 million throughout his/her six-year full term equivalent to 78 months. And because that salary rate falls under the taxman’s 32-percent bracket, the President’s lawful salary, net of tax, has actually been much less, at just about P80,000 a month.

Yet, to get to power, a presidential or vice-presidential candidate must burn billions. Today, political analysts say, a candidate for president may need from P3 billion to P5 billion to bankroll a decent election campaign across the nation.

To be sure, before the path to power, all the current candidates for the nation’s top two posts had taken a journey to wealth. By the available documents, though, their wealth stories are often opaque or wanting in clarity and detail, or even loose and wobbly at the seams.

PCIJ took a look at the state of wealth of the five candidates for president:

• Vice President Jejomar ‘Jojo’ Binay of the United Nationalist Alliance (UNA);
• Davao City Mayor Rodrigo ‘Digong’ Duterte of the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban) Party;
• Sen. Mary Grace Poe Llamanzares, of the Galing at Puso slate;
• Former Local Government Secretary Manuel ‘Mar’ Roxas II of the administration Liberal Party (LP); and
• Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago of the People’s Reform Party (PRP).

PCIJ also looked at the state of wealth of six candidates for vice president:

• Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano of the Nacionalista Party (NP) and Duterte’s running mate;
• Sen. Francis Joseph ‘Chiz’ Escudero, Poe’s running mate;
• Sen. Gregorio ‘Gringo’ Honasan, Binay’s running mate;
• Sen. Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr. of the NP and Defensor-Santiago’s running mate;
• Sen. Antonio Trillanes IV, Independent, but also an NP member; and
• Camarines Sur Rep. Maria Leonor ‘Leni’ Robredo of the LP and Roxas’s running mate.

In their latest statements of assets, liabilities and net worth (SALNs) filed in April 2014, the presidential candidates of May 2016 have declared modest to mammoth net worth. Except for Duterte and Poe, however, the latest SALN for the year 2015 of the other candidates have yet to be released to the public. PCIJ has also obtained copies of the SALN for 2015 of three candidates for vice president: Escudero, Robredo, and Trillanes.

To establish a baseline of wealth for each of the candidates, PCIJ reviewed the SALNs they had filed in prior years, starting with their respective first year in public service as either elective or appointive officials. Because some candidates had served longer in government, and others for just brief periods of time, the breadth or timeline of wealth could not be established in identical manner for all the candidates.

In the course of doing this story, PCIJ noticed that some of the candidates had close family members occupying or had occupied significant political posts. Available SALNs of these family members were therefore reviewed as well to come up with a more complete wealth narrative for the candidates involved.

The battle for the presidency is a five-way affair: three men (Binay, Duterte, and Roxas) and two women (Poe and Defensor-Santiago) are slugging it out. Four of the five are incumbents (Binay, Duterte, Poe, and Defensor-Santiago). The fifth, Roxas, quit his latest post as Interior and Local Government secretary in October 2015 to prepare for his presidential run.

All five wannabe-presidents declared big net worth values in their respective SALN for 2014. The latest available for Binay, Defensor-Santiago, and Roxas were their 2014 SALN but PCIJ has also obtained copies of the SALN for 2015 of Duterte and Poe.

As of their 2014 SALN, by order of claimed penury, by net worth, the “poorest” is Duterte with P21.9 million, followed by Binay with P60.25 million, Defensor-Santiago with P73.03 million, Poe with P89.5 million, and Roxas with P202.08 million.

(Duterte in his SALN for 2015 declared a slightly higher net worth of P23.5 million, as of last yearend.)

But as a group, how the wealth of the five presidentiables rose, fell, and rose again while in public office is a story with neither logic nor symmetry.

Two candidates — Poe and Roxas — enrolled properties inherited from their parents, or through court orders with zero acquisition value, thus artificially deflating or denting what might be the true expanse of their wealth.

A manual issued by the Civil Service Commission (CSC) on how to comply with “The SALN Law” or Republic Act No. 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees) spells out the following modes of acquisition of real properties:

• Purchase
• Donation
• Inheritance
• Trust
• Exchange
• As a consequence of contract (tradition)
• Occupation
• Intellectual creation
• Law, or by order of the court
• Prescription

The CSC manual states, however, that “in case of purchase by installment of immovable, the equity and amortizations so far paid should be declared as Equity in Installment Purchases under Other Personal Property, rather than Real Property (even if the contract may be registered with the register of deeds).”

“It is only when the Real Property is fully paid and title transfers to the buyer that the property is declared as a Real Property in the SALN,” the manual stated.

Too, there is a discernible shift from listing mostly real to more personal and other properties – which has less and weaker documentation, and thus could be easily hidden — in the SALNs that the five presidential candidates have filed through the years. The most notable signs of this shift to personal properties are the bursting “cash on hand/in bank” and investments in stocks they declared in their SALNs.

Then again, some of the candidates have also declared bigger and bigger amounts of liabilities to creditors or agencies not fully named in their SALN. Yet, despite their growing liabilities, these candidates have declared bigger net worth values through the years. — PCIJ, May 2016
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online

By The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

PCIJ. JEJOMAR BINAY SALN Timeline. may 2016

JEJOMAR ‘JOJO’ BINAY marked his Year 1 in public office as OIC (officer-in-charge) mayor of the country’s premier financial district, Makati City, in 1989 with a net worth of only P2.9 million.

Twenty-five years hence in 2014, this grew to P60.2 million, but also a cumulative 20 times more from his first year in office. He has filed a total of 23 SALNs, copies of nearly all on file at the PCIJ.

His 2014 net worth consists of the following entries: real properties valued at P13.92 million, personal and other properties of P62.38 (total assets: P76.3 million), and liabilities of P16 million.

But in 1989, Binay started with just the following: P183,445 in real properties, P3.7 million in personal and other properties, and liabilities of P2.87 million.

The year he was elected vice president in 2010 was also the year that Binay marked the biggest leap in his net worth. From just P44.8 million in his 2009 SALN, he reported a net worth of P58.09 million, including real properties of P16.88 million, personal and other properties of P42.7 million, and liabilities of only P1.5 million.

His 2014 SALN also saw a P10-million uptick in his personal and other properties from 2013: P52.3 million to P62.38 million, even as the value of his real properties stood still at P13 million.

Curiously, Binay’s liabilities of only P6.05 million in 2013 more than doubled in 2014 to P16.05 million, and a P20-million variance in his net worth. In his 2014 SALN, he said he owed unnamed creditors P10 million in personal loans, P5.7 million in auto loans, and P370,000 other liabilities.

For all the accusations of alleged plunder and unexplained wealth against Binay in months of public hearing by the Senate’s Blue Ribbon subcommittee, the Vice President did not declare owning any houses or apartments in his 2014 SALN. All that he listed as real properties were three pieces of residential and agricultural lots in Makati worth just slightly over P13 million.

But Binay seems to be rolling in dough. He declared having P38.8 million in cash on hand and in bank, apart from P4.2-million invested in growing flowers and pigs. His SALN for 2014 lists only one business entity: Blooms & Bouquet Flower Shop located at Unit 3, Southway Condominium, Mayapis Street, San Antonio Village, Makati City. It has a “nursery” in Batangas that Binay said he co-owns with his wife and former Makati Mayor Dr. Elenita Binay.

It was only in his SALN filing for the years 1999 to 2009 that Binay disclosed having interest in a second business second entity: JCB Farms, a piggery located in Maligaya, Rosario, Batangas. He acknowledged, though, that his “acquisition of/connection with” JCB Farms started years earlier in 1995.

In addition, the Vice President has a fleet of vehicles, including a Ford Club Wagon and Toyota Land Cruiser, altogether worth P11 million; P6.2 million in “furniture, antiques, clothing and other personal properties”; P1.1 million in jewelry; and P829,000 in “prepaid income tax/creditable withholding tax.”

Among the presidentiables, Binay and Duterte are the only ones whose immediate family members have held prominent political posts. Politics, in fact, has practically become a family business for both Binay and Duterte.

Jojo and Elenita Binay and son Jejomar Erwin Jr. or Junjun have taken turns serving as mayor of the financial district of Makati City since 1987 — an uninterrupted 29-year reign of the clan in Makati City.

In the three years that she served as Makati City mayor from 1997 to 2000, Elenita Binay filed four SALNs jointly with her husband, all marked with constantly rising values of their conjugal net worth.

She started with P15.82 million in her 1997 SALN, P17.49 million in 1998, P20.06 million in 1999, and P24.37 million in 2000. (From 1998 to 1999, while his wife was Makati mayor, Jojo Binay worked as chairperson of the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority or MMDA as an appointee of then President Joseph Estrada.)

Daughter Mar-Len Abigail has served two terms (2010-2016) as congressman and is now running for Makati mayor, while the eldest Binay child, Ma. Lourdes Nancy, remains senator until 2019.

Abigail’s husband is Luis Jose Angel N. Campos, now candidate for the Congress seat that she is vacating, while Nancy’s spouse is businessman Jose Benjamin R. Angeles.

Currently suspended Makati City Mayor Junjun Binay became a city councilor straight from college (where he majored in creative writing and public administration) and Abigail, from law school. Before plunging into national politics in 2010, Nancy, a tourism graduate, had her hands full as a wife and mother and as a partner in her husband’s family businesses.

A third Binay daughter, Anne, works as executive assistant at the Vice President’s office. Only the youngest child Joanna Marie is not in public service on either elective or appointive capacity.

All told, the combined net worth by 2014 of the four Binays currently in elective public posts had amounted to a handsome sum of P191,155,922. The combined value of all their real assets and personal properties for 2014 was a whopping P322,861,763. Their combined liabilities, meanwhile, was a significant P131,706,041.

Notably, the sharp uptick in the net worth that the Binays had declared in separate SALNs similarly occurred before or after the years when elections were conducted in the country: 1998-1999, 2000-2001, 2003-2004, 2007-2008, 2009-2010, and 2012-2013.

PCIJ. Binay SALN may 2016alth

Individually, the three older Binay children in public office are more than affluent, even if they have not really had enough years or opportunity to grow their wealth by leaps and bounds outside of politics.

Junjun started with a net worth of P1.1 million on his first run as councilor of Makati in 1998, when he was just 21 years old. By 2014, at age 37, he was declaring a net worth of P19.34 million on just his salary as mayor.

He reported liabilities of P5,000 as income tax payable; P25.99 million in loans payable; P6.26 million in other payables; and P841,000 in auto loans.

Now a widower raising three children, Junjun declared purchasing various real properties (residential, mix-use) from 1996 to 2005 in Tagaytay City in Cavite; and in Nasugbu and Loco in Batangas.

But his personal properties saw a tremendous surge in value beginning 2005 while he was still a councilor and on to becoming mayor in 2010.

In his SALN for 2014, Junjun Binay declared having P13.2 million cash on hand and in bank, P24.7 million in investments; P5.5 million in art, jewelry, and other personal properties; P3.3 million in vehicles; P3.72 million in furniture, antiques, and appliances; and P535,000 more in other unspecified personal assets.

In 1999, when he first filed his SALN as councilor, Junjun had only these personal properties: P4.16 million cash on hand and in bank; P1.3 million in vehicles; P575,000 in stocks; P564,210 in furniture and antiques; and P587,280 in jewelry.

From 1999 to 2014—the period during which he was working his way from councilor to vice mayor, to mayor of Makati — Junjun Binay said he was a shareholder or had acquired interests in a plethora of business entities, notably:

• Dinette;
• Greenwich;
• Savona Estate Inc.;
• Hermitage & Manor Realty & Management Corp.;
• Millenium (sic) Food Chains Corp.;
• First Responder Safety Solutions Inc. , as shareholder;
• Stony Road Horse Farm Inc., as shareholder;
• Balagan Sporting Equipment Inc., as shareholder;
• Seahawk Retail Ventures Inc., as shareholder;
• Lakan Tagkan Real Estate Corp., as shareholder; and
• Bravehouse Holdings Inc., as shareholder.

Makati City 2nd District Rep. Abigail Binay, meanwhile, has a net worth as of 2014 of P48.99 million — assets of P78.40 million minus liabilities of P29.4 million — according to an official report of the House of Representatives on the 2014 SALN of its members.

Abigail’s net worth has undergone remarkable growth from only P10.7 million in 2007 to P14.1 million in 2012, to P29.4 million in 2008.

Among her real properties, Abigail listed the following, and their various modes of acquisition from 2000 to 2009, or before she joined Congress:

• Lobo, Batangas, 2005, sale;
• Lobo, Batangas, 2005, purchase;
• Biga Sto. Tomas, Isabela, 2008, donation;
• Langkaan, Dasmarinas, Cavite, donation;
• Biclatan, Gen. Trias, Cavite, 2000, purchase; and
• San Lorenzo Village, Makati, 2009, purchase.

The last property, according to Abigail, had an acquisition cost of only P3.17 million, fair market value of P10.19 million, and acquisition-cost-plus-improvements value of P14 million flat.

In her SALN filings from 2010, Abigail listed the interests and financial connections that she said she acquired from 1992 to 2008, or before she was elected legislator:

• MAS Binay Enterprise, supposedly a “Consumer Distributor of SMART ELOAD and others”;
• Subido Pagente Certeza Mendoza and Binay Law Office, as a Partner;
• Hermitage and Manor Realty and Management Corp.;
• Millenium (sic) Food Chains, Inc.;
• Xnails, Inc.;
• Petsters Company, as a Partner;
• A & T Stores Specialists, Inc. ;
• Dalisay Farms Corporation, with spouse Luis N. Campos, Jr. as Stockholder;
• L & N Food Corporation, with Luis N. Campos, Jr.;
• Dasmarinas Realty Corporation, with Luis N. Campos, Jr.; and
• Vartec Food Concepts Inc., with Luis N. Campos, Jr.

Abigail also listed among her personal properties that were acquired from 1994 to 1997 stocks in Kuko-Phil. Petron valued at P25,201; paintings worth P471,500; life insurance cash option credits of P308,480; jewelry worth P1 million; vehicles worth P9.66 million; capital in business worth P10.77 million; and P10.32 million cash on hand and in bank.

In 1994, Abigail was just 19 years old. It was only in 1997 when she graduated from the University of the Philippines in Los Banos with a degree in B.S. Human Ecology. In 2001, she obtained her Juris Doctor degree from the Ateneo de Manila University.

Abigail’s official profile on the website of the House of Representatives showed her brief work experience as follows: Chief Finance Officer of JCB Farms from 2002 to 2005; Legal Associate, Balane Tamase Alampay Law Office, Legal Associate, July 2003 – March 2007; and Partner, Subido Pagente Certeza Mendoza and Binay Law Office, March 2007 to June 2007.

In all her available SALN, however, Abigail has not disclosed her business or financial interests in JCB Farms.

Among her liabilities, she enrolled the following across her various SALN filings:

• Tax-income tax, P2,320,317.27;
• Chattel Mortgage, P1,359,717.69;
• Chattel Mortgage, Banco de Oro, P1,658,249;
• Premium Loan (unpaid life insurance premium), P259,622.43;
• Chattel Mortgage, Banco de Oro, P1,745,160;
• Loan, SPCMB Law Office, P12,000,000; and
• Company-related liabilities, P966,402.88.

As for Senator Nancy Binay, she declared a net worth in June 2013 of P63.94 million upon assumption into office. This dipped a bit to P63.8 million in December 2014, and went down a little more to P62.56 million by December 2014.

Nancy’s SALN filings for 2013 and 2014 show that she is the proprietor since 1999 of Jajan Marketing and a shareholder from 1994 to 2006, together with spouse, in the following business interests:

• J.A. Development Corporation;
• AB Summit Insurance Agency, Inc.;
• Purple Ginger Inc.;
* St. Andrew’s A-C Services Inc.;
• Dinet Marketing Corporation;
• Mistico Inc.;
• Hermitage & Manor Realty & Management Corp.;
• Tetrarchy Inc.;
• Aquastar Consolidated Environmental Services Inc.; and
• Supremecapital Corporation.

For her liabilities, Nancy listed the following in her latest SALN:

• Income tax payables, Bureau of Internal Revenue, P2,615,789;
• Loans payable, Various, P11,000,000; and
• Other payables, Various, P22,610,275. — PCIJ, May 2012
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For details, check out PCIJ’s Money Politics Online